
ON May 11, 2026, the House of Representatives voted overwhelmingly (257–25–9) to impeach Vice President Sara Duterte, triggering the transmittal of the articles of impeachment to the Senate of the Philippines. Almost simultaneously, a sudden leadership coup unfolded in the Senate, where Duterte’s allies ousted Senate President Vicente “Tito” Sotto III to install more favorable leadership ahead of the impending trial.
Sen. Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa suddenly appeared in the Senate after months of absence, specifically to cast his crucial vote for Alan Peter Cayetano as the new Senate president. Earlier that same day, the International Criminal Court had unsealed an arrest warrant for Dela Rosa, but its service was thwarted by the Senate leadership, leading to a standoff that lasted until the early morning hours of May 14, when Dela Rosa finally left the Senate’s protective custody.
Senate President Cayetano held a press conference on the afternoon of May 14, defending Dela Rosa’s right to exhaust all legal remedies, criticizing a resolution by other senators urging Dela Rosa’s immediate surrender and addressing the standoff between Senate security personnel and law enforcement agents.
During that press conference, Cayetano — in anything but a mild-mannered tone — shouted, “The Senate is under attack! An attack on the Senate is an attack on our democracy!” Really? Who actually attacked our democracy? It is the actions of these very senators that are trampling on it.
Can we simply abolish the Senate and be rid of those corrupt senators who treat it as their personal sanctuary — and worse, as their private business?
Personal reasons, not for the people
The events of May 11 to 14 were not all about leadership change. They represented a preplanned and deliberate coup d’état designed to serve the personal interests of several senators.
Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa. His sudden reappearance in the Senate after months of absence allowed the then-minority to become the new majority by attaining the 50 percent + 1 vote threshold — and Dela Rosa cast that decisive +1 vote. Was it for the people? Hardly. He used the Senate as a hiding place and a refuge to evade the law.
Mark Aguilar Villar. His defection from the old coalition to the new majority appears to be an effort to thwart further investigation into his alleged involvement in the flood control controversy. It may be recalled that his alleged bagman during his tenure as Public Works secretary, Las Piñas councilor Carlo Aguilar, is now reportedly hiding in the United States.
Emmanuel Joel Jose Villanueva and Jose “Jinggoy” Estrada Jr. Both senators have been implicated in the recent flood control projects anomaly. They now appear to be positioning themselves to alter the committee report and conceal their supposed involvement in these irregularities.
Lorna Regina “Loren” Legarda. The political career of Leandro Leviste — a neophyte lawmaker in the House of Representatives — is all but finished, owing to his outlandish claims and persistent dishonesty. Legarda appears to be maneuvering to salvage her son’s political future.
As for Robinhood “Robin” Padilla, Christopher “Bong” Go and Rodante Marcoleta, their personal interests need no elaboration — it is publicly known that they are all staunch supporters and defenders of the Dutertes.
Unicameral system
The legislative branch — Congress — is one of the three co-equal branches of the Philippine government. Our Congress is bicameral, meaning it is divided into two houses: the upper house and the lower house. The Senate of the Philippines constitutes the upper house, while the House of Representatives constitutes the lower house.
In many other countries, whether operating under a federal form of government or not, the legislative body consists of only one chamber. This is known as a unicameral system, where the single legislative body is typically called a legislative assembly.
Abolishing the Senate would therefore give rise to a unicameral legislature.
There is one significant problem, however. The Senate cannot be abolished under the current constitutional framework. The Philippine Congress is established under Article VI of the 1987 Constitution as the legislative branch and one of the three co-equal branches of government. It is fundamental to the structure of the Philippine state — not merely a regular institution that can simply be dissolved.
That said, there remain legal avenues — albeit long and arduous ones — through which the Senate could theoretically be abolished. One is through constitutional amendment; the other is through complete constitutional replacement.
Or, of course, the citizens could simply storm the Senate and sweep its halls clean of the incompetent senators who have long overstayed their welcome.
Abolish the Senate now
While the abolition of the Senate may be constitutionally problematic, the issues currently besieging it demand urgent action. The Filipino people deserve legislators who prioritize public service over personal gain and institutional integrity over political survival.
Citizens must therefore focus on holding elected officials accountable — through transparency, independent investigations, and ultimately, the ballot box. But do we have the collective will to demand better from those we have entrusted with power?
Perhaps, for this country’s sake, it would be best if the Senate were abolished altogether.
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