After appointing former Thai PM Thaksin Shinawatra, a leader infamous for his contentious legacy, as an ASEAN advisor, Malaysia’s Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is reportedly considering another ex-dictator for his advisory team: Cambodia’s former leader Hun Sen.
According to reports in the Bangkok Post, Anwar is tipped to appoint this controversial figure despite Hun Sen's well-documented poor human rights record. This decision raises serious questions about Malaysia’s diplomatic direction as it prepares to assume the ASEAN chairmanship in 2025.
Hun Sen, Cambodia’s former strongman, ruled with an iron fist for nearly four decades, overseeing a regime marred by allegations of extrajudicial killings, suppression of opposition parties, and rampant corruption.
While some credit him for maintaining stability in Cambodia, his legacy is one of authoritarianism and blatant disregard for human rights. Pairing Hun Sen with Thaksin—who himself is notorious for his brutal “war on drugs” that left thousands dead—paints a troubling picture of Anwar’s team. What kind of message does this send about Malaysia’s stance on democracy and human rights?
Even more perplexing is the apparent sidelining of Malaysia’s own diplomatic corps. Wisma Putra, long tasked with managing Malaysia’s regional and global relationships, now appears to be playing second fiddle to a team of foreign advisers. Is this a pragmatic move by Anwar to bring heavyweight names into the fold, or does it reflect a deeper lack of confidence in Wisma Putra’s ability to navigate the complex dynamics of ASEAN leadership?
Outsourcing diplomacy to figures like Thaksin and Hun Sen risks undermining Malaysia’s credibility. Malaysia has always prided itself on being a moderate, principled voice within ASEAN. With this new advisory line-up, critics might argue that Malaysia is prioritising political pragmatism over its moral compass. How can a government that champions reform and good governance align itself with individuals whose reputations contradict those ideals?
Some may argue that engaging influential figures like Thaksin and Hun Sen is a strategic move to leverage their networks and regional clout. Yet, this comes at a cost. Thaksin’s past policies caused irreparable damage to Thailand’s southern provinces—an area critical to Malaysia’s own security. Similarly, Hun Sen’s authoritarian rule contrasts sharply with Anwar’s “Reformasi” mantra. Is Malaysia willing to compromise its values for perceived geopolitical gains?
This decision also raises concerns about the role of Wisma Putra. Anwar’s reliance on external advisers could demoralise Malaysia’s diplomats, sidelining their expertise just when the country needs to showcase its leadership. The question Malaysians should be asking isn’t just why these foreign leaders are advising us, but why Wisma Putra seems absent from the picture.
As Malaysia’s ASEAN chairmanship looms, the stakes couldn’t be higher. Balancing relations with the US and China, addressing the Myanmar crisis, and managing the Rohingya refugee issue all require deft diplomacy. But by outsourcing key advisory roles to foreign figures, Anwar risks alienating domestic and international stakeholders alike.
Perhaps the biggest irony is that a leader who championed “Reformasi” now seems more comfortable relying on figures from the past—even if their legacies are mired in controversy. Malaysians deserve an answer: is this about strengthening Malaysia’s role in ASEAN, or weakening its very foundation?
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