THE recent deployment and subsequent removal of a Chinese floating platform at Bajo de Masinloc (Scarborough Shoal) have once again drawn attention to the delicate balance of sovereignty, security and cooperation in the South China Sea.
For the Philippines, the incident was a direct challenge to its 2016 arbitral victory, which will mark its 10th anniversary on July 12, 2026. That ruling recognized Manila’s sovereign rights within its exclusive economic zone. For China, however, the platform was presented as a scientific installation for marine environmental research, consistent with its sovereign interpretation of maritime entitlements.
While these positions appear irreconcilable at present, the incident offers, in fact, an opportunity to reframe Bajo de Masinloc not as a symbol of discord, but as a platform for maritime cooperation and ocean governance.
The South China Sea is a shared ecosystem. Bajo de Masinloc is a rich fishing ground, a biodiversity hotspot, and a vital artery for regional trade. Filipino fishermen rely on its waters for their livelihood, while Chinese scientists emphasize its importance for marine research.
Both the Philippines and China, despite differences in their national positions, share a fundamental interest in preserving the sea’s resources for future generations. Recognizing this commonality is the first step toward a thousand-mile journey of transforming confrontation into collaboration.
Sustaining dialogue between Manila and Beijing is, therefore, a must. The Philippines-China Bilateral Consultation Mechanism on the South China Sea provides a ready-made forum for addressing incidents like the platform’s deployment. Utilizing this mechanism with regular meetings, clear protocols, and joint verification teams can prevent misunderstandings and reduce tensions. Dialogue ensures that sovereignty is asserted through peaceful means, while cooperation demonstrates maturity in managing disputes.
Scientific research is one area where cooperation can flourish. Instead of unilateral installations, both nations should pursue joint research projects. Cooperative expeditions, transparent data-sharing, and prior consent mechanisms can turn science into a bridge rather than a wedge. By working together, Manila and Beijing can demonstrate that knowledge of the sea is best advanced through collaboration, not competition.
Fisheries management is another critical area. Bajo de Masinloc is a lifeline for Filipino fishermen, and its waters are equally important to Chinese fishing communities. Negotiating seasonal fishing arrangements, coupled with conservation measures, can protect livelihoods while sustaining marine biodiversity. Shared responsibility for resource management is the essence of ocean governance, and it can help ensure that fishing rights are exercised responsibly and sustainably.
Environmental protection must also be prioritized. The fragile ecosystem of Bajo de Masinloc requires collective stewardship. Establishing joint conservation zones and marine protected areas can demonstrate that sovereignty and sustainability are not mutually exclusive. By protecting coral reefs, fish stocks, and migratory species, both nations can show that they are capable of rising above disputes to safeguard the environment.
Confidence-building measures are also important. Both sides should agree on a code of conduct for maritime incidents, ensuring that encounters at sea are managed with restraint. Cooperative monitoring and communication channels can reduce risks of escalation. By institutionalizing these measures, Manila and Beijing can prevent misunderstandings from spiraling into confrontation and build trust incrementally.
While bilateral dialogue is essential, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) provides a broader framework for reinforcing norms of cooperation. The ongoing negotiations for a code of conduct in the South China Sea should be accelerated, with Bajo de Masinloc serving as a test case for practical collaboration.
International law, particularly the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, offers the legal foundation, but it is dialogue and consultation that breathe life into these rules. The Asean’s collective voice can help ensure that the South China Sea remains a sea of peace rather than a fulcrum of conflict.
It would be naïve to ignore the perennial challenges. China’s incremental but growing presence, through research vessels, patrols, and temporary structures, creates suspicion of “gray zone” tactics. The Philippines, facing strong domestic pressure to defend sovereignty, cannot afford to appear passive to avoid backlash. Trust is thin, and rebuilding it requires patience, persistence and political will.
Yet, the reality of international politics also demands restraint. Neither side benefits from escalation, and both can undermine regional stability if incidents are allowed to spiral unchecked.
Thus, pursuing ocean governance is an urgent task. The Philippines and China must recognize that unilateral actions erode trust, while cooperative frameworks strengthen it. Platforms in Bajo de Masinloc and other features in the South China Sea should rise not as instruments of division but as platforms of peace, science and sustainability. By embracing maritime cooperation and ocean governance, both nations can demonstrate leadership in transforming contested waters into zones of shared prosperity.
The Bajo de Masinloc incident should not be viewed as another flashpoint in the South China Sea. It should be regarded as an opportunity for Manila and Beijing to opt for dialogue over confrontation, coordination over unilateral action, and cooperation over suspicion.
Sovereignty can be defended not only by asserting rights but also by building partnerships that aim to safeguard the sea for future generations. In this way, Bajo de Masinloc can become a platform not of confrontation, but of maritime cooperation.
Rommel C. Banlaoi, PhD, is the nonresident fellow of the Huayang Center for Maritime Cooperation and Ocean Governance. He is also a former adjunct professor at the National Institute for South China Studies, as well as director of the Philippines-China Studies Center at Diliman College and president of the Philippine Society for International Security Studies.
