Xi Jinping arrived in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan on August 30 for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization's 25th anniversary summit, gathering with the leaders of Russia, India, Iran, and six Central Asian nations as Beijing pressed its case for a multipolar world order beyond Western reach.
The summit brought together the heads of all 10 SCO member states — one of the largest assemblies of non-Western leaders this year. For Xi, the gathering served as both a diplomatic showcase and a platform to advance two of Beijing's most consequential long-term projects: the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway and the broader argument that China offers a more reliable partner than the United States.
China's Steel Silk Road Takes Shape in Central Asia
At bilateral meetings with Kyrgyz President Sadyr Zhaparov and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Xi called for accelerating the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan (CKU) railway — a rail corridor linking China's Xinjiang region to Uzbekistan via Kyrgyzstan — and described it as the "Steel Silk Road of the New Era." Zhaparov signed a Permanent Good-Neighborly Friendship and Cooperation Treaty with Beijing, and expressed his willingness to learn from Xi's governing philosophy.
The CKU railway is more than a transportation project. It forms part of China's sustained effort to build a cross-border infrastructure network that reduces dependence on Western-controlled maritime routes and financial systems. Once operational, it would give China a land route to Central Asia, Russia, and broader Eurasian markets — extending Beijing's strategic depth along a corridor that connects Xinjiang toward the Middle East and, eventually, Europe.
China's approach in the region follows a consistent logic: it does not ask other countries to share its ideology, only to conclude that partnering with Beijing serves their own interests. Central Asian states need Chinese capital and infrastructure; in exchange, Beijing gains political leverage and transport corridors that help circumvent Western pressure.
Russia Needs China More Than China Needs Russia
Putin described Russia-China cooperation as "flourishing" at his bilateral with Xi, and both leaders again emphasized the goal of building a multipolar world order. Yet the relationship, while strategically important to both sides, is asymmetrical.
Russia retains powerful assets — nuclear weapons, energy reserves, military capacity, and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. But five years into the war in Ukraine, with Western sanctions continuing to compress its economy and diplomatic space, Moscow's room to maneuver has narrowed considerably. China has blunted the effect of those sanctions by maintaining trade and technology ties with Moscow and importing Russian oil at discounted rates.
Putin highlighted the success of visa-free travel between the two countries and expressed hope to make it permanent. Chinese vessels have also begun making regular runs along the Arctic Northern Sea Route. Taken together, these developments point to a relationship tilting increasingly in Beijing's favor — Russia remains a valuable partner for China, but primarily as a counterweight to US-led order rather than an equal.
Workers Locked In While Leaders Smiled for Cameras
Behind the summit's official images of handshakes and joint declarations, a different scene was unfolding a short distance away. Chinese construction workers employed at Chinese-funded infrastructure sites in Bishkek were placed under movement restrictions starting August 30 — the day Xi arrived — and told they could not leave their work compounds until the summit concluded on September 2.
Video footage published by the Chinese labor-rights social media account "昨天" showed security cordons at sites including those operated by China Hengyu Construction, with workers barred from exiting. A confrontation between workers and local security staff was reported on the night of August 28 at the "Kochmon City" residential complex.
Labor disputes at Chinese Belt and Road project sites across Central Asia have become increasingly common, with wage arrears, unpaid overtime, and workplace injuries recurring at multiple projects. The restrictions in Bishkek suggest Beijing is exporting its domestic stability logic abroad: workers' freedom of movement was curtailed to ensure the summit proceeded without unwanted noise. The Chinese embassy in Bishkek had not publicly responded to the videos as of publication, and the workers' situation could not be independently verified.
Xi Heads to Egypt, India and Then Washington
The SCO summit is not Xi's final stop. After Bishkek, he is scheduled to visit Egypt and India before traveling to Washington, where a Trump-Xi summit is expected in September. The itinerary underscores how the Bishkek gathering fits into a broader diplomatic push: projecting confidence in non-Western forums while simultaneously managing the relationship with the United States.
Central Asia's strategic value has only grown as Russia remains mired in the Ukraine war, the United States recalibrates its global footprint, and Middle Eastern tensions persist. China has spent more than a decade building its economic presence in the region through the Belt and Road Initiative. The SCO summit in Bishkek was, among other things, a demonstration that the investment is paying off — and that Beijing intends to press the advantage.
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