Recently, ex-PM Datuk Seri Najib Razak and former treasury secretary-general Tan Sri Mohd Irwan Serigar Abdullah were handed a discharge not amounting to an acquittal (DNAA) in the RM6.6 billion International Petroleum Investment Company (IPIC) case.
The reason? The prosecution couldn’t declassify documents crucial to the case. Yes, you read that right — in a country where the PM himself sits atop the Cabinet, somehow nobody managed to declassify documents from ministries under his watch.
For a government that rode into power on the promise of reform, this is an embarrassing farce. But let’s cut to the chase: this isn’t just a story about bureaucratic ineptitude or institutional failure.
Under the Official Secrets Act 1972 (OSA), the power to declassify documents lies squarely in the hands of ministers and top government officials. In this case, documents from the Finance Ministry, Transport Ministry, and others could have been declassified if the right people had acted.
Yet, the prosecution claimed it had "no control" over this process. Really? Or is it simply that there was no political will to ensure these documents saw the light of day?
If the Madani administration is serious about accountability, one would think declassifying these documents to secure a conviction in a high-profile corruption case would be a no-brainer. Instead, we’re left with excuses that insult the intelligence of Malaysians.
The truth is, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim cannot afford to rock the boat with UMNO, who holds the key to his government’s survival. The party has been badgering Anwar to release Najib, who's now serving a 12-year sentence for corruption.
It is UMNO, aligned with Pakatan Harapan (PH), that is holding up Anwar’s coalition. But that alignment comes with a price: ensuring the interests of UMNO’s old guard — Najib included — are protected.
Is the DNAA for Najib a compromise? Whatever the reason, the optics do not look good for the Prime Minister.
Najib’s DNAA, much like UMNO president Datuk Seri Zahid Hamidi’s earlier discharge of corruption charges, reeks of political maneuvering. In both cases, the decisions conveniently align with Anwar’s need to keep UMNO on his side. After all, a convicted Zahid or Najib would only embolden dissent within UMNO, potentially tearing apart the alliance that keeps Anwar in power.
While the elite protect their own, Malaysians are left to pick up the pieces of a justice system that bends for the powerful. How long will we tolerate leaders who promise reform but deliver excuses? The DNAA may not be an acquittal, but for the public, it feels like a slap in the face.
So, here we are again — a country where classified documents can remain conveniently inaccessible, and political survival takes precedence over justice. The Madani government’s perceived complicity in this charade is disappointing.
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