AS visualized by this columnist, and as expected by serious observers on the current political scene, the “tele-political-novela” is half done in the lower house of Congress.
The theatrical script on the impeachment complaint against Vice President Sara Zimmerman Duterte, crafted by the latter’s political enemies in Congress, was verbalized and acted by the players, particularly the House of Representatives Justice Committee members whose task, according to them, is to determine the sufficiency of the form and substance of the impeachment complaint, as well as the existence of probable cause for them to recommend to the House plenary to vote for its transmission to the Senate for trial.
The key actors appear to have memorized their lines and have no difficulty in verbalizing them with an appearance of spontaneity and deliberation, believable enough to earn them acting kudos, while others clumsily foul up their parts, exposing their ineptness.
The political drama, of course, refers to how they will execute the political plan to impeach the vice president to remove her from succeeding to the presidency according to the constitutional rules on succession and, more importantly, to permanently bar her from being a candidate in the 2028 presidential election, given that credible surveys place her as the runaway winner in the forthcoming electoral battle for the highest office.
Consistent with this political stage play, the justice committee members, except for one solitary dissenter, unanimously voted to declare the impeachment complaints against VP Sara as sufficient in form and substance despite the fact that no ultimate facts have been averred; and even if the allegations in the impeachment complaints are assumed to be true, they do not constitute impeachable grounds.
To up the ante, notwithstanding the absence of any accompanying proof attached to the impeachment complaints, whether documentary or testimonial, the absence of which constitutionally requires them to dismiss the said complaints for lack of probable cause, they proceeded to conduct what their chairperson called a “mini trial.” But after being heavily criticized for making this designation, it was changed to “preliminary investigation.” The committee conducted the irregular process of obtaining evidence by issuing subpoenas duces tecum and ad testificandum, even without the complainants requesting for their issuance, and by such process effectively helping the complainants support their complaints, apart from violating the Bank Secrecy Law, which compelled the defense team of VP Sara to file a petition for certiorari before the Supreme Court to abort the unlawful exercise.
To complete the cast, the supporting actors from the Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) and the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) cashed in their presence and performed their assigned parts.
The Bank Secrecy Law (Republic Act 1405) prohibits inquiring into or disclosing bank deposits, e.g., savings, current and time deposits, including foreign currency deposits. Under this law, the banks and their employees are prohibited from disclosing deposit information.
The Anti-Money Laundering Act (AMLA) (RA 9160) prevents money laundering, protects bank account integrity, and criminalizes unlawful activities. It secures the confidentiality of bank records by prohibiting the AMLC and its secretariat to reveal, in any manner, information known to them by reason of their office without court authorization.
The Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) is obligated to secure the confidentiality of the statement of assets, liabilities and net worth (SALN) under the Data Privacy Law (RA 10173).
Despite the prohibitions imposed by the aforementioned laws, the justice committee compelled the officials of the said agencies to reveal bank records and, on cue, disclosed them.
On the basis of these prohibited disclosures, members of the justice committee voted unanimously in finding probable cause in the impeachment complaints.
The other half of the political script against VP Sara is to be executed in the plenary voting in the House.
Judging from the demeanor of the lawmakers, unless an unforeseen political catastrophe occurs that threatens their hold on power, it is almost a certainty that the one-third vote requirement for transmission of the articles of impeachment to the Senate will be accomplished, thereby completing the other half of the political subterfuge.
The added bonus to this politically deceptive play is the tempting opportunity for free media mileage for the players to enhance their chances for either their reelection bids or pursuit of higher office.
It is also a platform for the detractors of VP Sara to dish out more black propaganda against VP Sara and former president Rodrigo Duterte.
The impending Senate trial is an altogether different venture. Unlike their colleagues in the lower chamber, they cannot just be herded and follow the bidding of the masterminding power holders.They represent 24 republics and are generally fiercely independent, and will vote according to their conscience and evidence before them (although rarely) or on the political benefits that await them (which is often). Their votes may depend also on what they perceive to be the people’s temper and sentiment at the conclusion of the Senate trial.
Reading the body language of the senators, the 16 votes required for conviction could be an impossibility.
