VIKTOR Orbán led Hungary as prime minister for 16 years before he was finally unseated by Hungarian voters in the April 2026 elections. His defeat was made possible by a broad coalition of political and civil society groups, led by Péter Magyar’s Tisza Party. Orbán had long projected himself as a populist and nationalist strongman, often aligning more closely with Russia’s Vladimir Putin than with the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). For decades, his image endeared him to many Hungarians until voters grew exhausted of his misrule.
But defeating populist leaders is never easy. Populists frequently rely on doleouts, propaganda machinery and strong-arm tactics to bend society to their will. They thrive on disinformation and fear-mongering to sway the masses toward their agenda.
Still, the formula to defeat populism has been clearly demonstrated by Orbán’s opponents.
First, Hungarian anti-populist forces compromised and united against Orbán. From the left to the center-right, opposition groups tempered their ideological differences and focused on a common goal: defeat Orbán. In several districts, political parties refrained from fielding candidates to avoid dividing the anti-Orban votes.
Second, they rallied behind a single candidate capable of unifying the opposition. That figure was Magyar, who’s hardly a perfect candidate due to his outright conservatism, strong stance against immigration and anti-LGBTQ+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) rights. In fact, he was initially affiliated with Orbán’s Fidesz party before starting his own party. Yet, his candidacy proved acceptable to a broad coalition despite his flaws. He was also as charismatic as Orbán.
Third, the opposition focused on bread-and-butter issues rather than abstract ideals, democratic reforms and humanitarian rhetoric. Hungarian voters responded more strongly to concerns over inflation, poor infrastructure, economic decline and endemic corruption. Departing from ideological divisiveness was better to reach out to liberals, civil society groups, media organizations and even the academe. In addition, Magyar was also highly effective in communicating his message on social media platforms across different Hungarian audiences.
Magyar’s victory offers important lessons for anti-Rodrigo Duterte forces hoping to stop the populist frontrunner, his daughter and Vice President Sara Duterte, from capturing the presidency in 2028. Recent surveys showed that more than 70 percent of Filipinos want the vice president to face the impeachment complaints against her, rather than hide behind her lawyers and spokesmen. Her camp has attempted to frame the controversy as trumped-up charges and appeal to public sympathy. This did not sit well with most Filipinos — except the diehard Duterte supporters, or DDS — who demand an explanation for her unexplained wealth that amounted to billions of pesos.
The May 11 coup in the Senate has fueled public perception that Duterte’s allies are shielding her from a full-blown impeachment trial. This proves very risky. There seems to be a disconnect among some complicit senators from Filipinos’ intense frustration over the increasing impunity among government officials. This shifting public opinion is amplified by the Anti-Money Laundering Council’s revelations during a House justice panel hearing of the bloated incomes of the vice president and her family stashed in bank accounts. If the new Senate leadership delays her impeachment trial further despite the growing evidence of her alleged high crimes, then the public backlash could be severe. It is not only the public outrage that her Senate allies must be careful, but also the declining popularity of the vice president in opinion polls.
Another controversy involved Sen. Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa’s refusal to surrender to the International Criminal Court to face charges of crimes against humanity. The Senate majority has given dela Rosa protective custody, to the impatience of many Filipinos who are weary of the public disorder and violations of the rule of law. The May 13 shooting in the Senate also suggested a dangerous precedent of disrespect toward the chamber as an institution. There is a growing public sentiment that the shooting was staged to allow dela Rosa to escape.
As for Magyar’s playbook in defeating Orbán, the meteoric rise of Sen. Raffy Tulfo in surveys has strong similarities. He is gaining ground against Vice President Duterte and appears capable of attracting support from a broad coalition of liberal democrats, leftists, businessmen, and Marcos loyalists. With Naga City Mayor Leni Robredo expressing her intention not to seek a national position, the broad coalition may eventually unite behind Tulfo to defeat the Duterte political dynasty. Tulfo, like Magyar, has the charisma and stamina, as well as a real shot, to win the presidency.
But if the Dutertes reclaim power in 2028, there would, indeed, be hell to pay for their opponents and persecutors.
