If Zahid led the federal government, his first challenge would be turning a coalition assembled to secure power into one capable of governing.
DR ONG KIAN MING’s recent prediction that Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi could become Malaysia’s next prime minister, alongside the possible fall of Pakatan Harapan in Selangor, raises a question larger than who wins the next election: can Malaysia manage another political realignment while protecting national cohesion and international credibility?
His remarks, reported following a Sinar Harian interview, should be understood as a political forecast, rather than an inevitable outcome.
The two possibilities must also be distinguished. A change of government in Selangor would not automatically determine who governs Putrajaya.
Federal leadership would depend on parliamentary support and coalition negotiations.
Nevertheless, their coincidence could substantially alter the balance of power, weaken PH’s political standing and give its opponents greater bargaining strength.
If Zahid led the federal government, his first challenge would be turning a coalition assembled to secure power into one capable of governing.
An administration involving BN and PN, for example, would need agreement on leadership, economic priorities and the relationship between religion and public policy.
Electoral cooperation alone would not resolve competing ambitions or ideological differences.
A published coalition agreement, clear policy commitments and meaningful parliamentary scrutiny would therefore be essential. Malaysia needs stability rooted in accountable institutions.
An arrangement sustained primarily through appointments and political concessions could survive temporarily while leaving the country vulnerable to renewed bargaining and policy uncertainty.
The second challenge would be political tolerance. A victorious coalition should resist interpreting electoral success as permission to marginalise communities associated with its opponents.
Malay-Muslim aspirations, minority protections and the interests of Sabah and Sarawak must be addressed within a shared national framework.
Equally, a defeated PH should accept legitimate electoral outcomes while exercising robust opposition. Disagreement is normal in democracy; portraying every political opponent as an existential threat makes cooperation harder.
Malaysia’s resilience would depend on leaders protecting the right to dissent and discouraging ethnic and religious hostility, including among their own supporters.
Selangor would be a particularly important test.
Official statistics show that the state contributed 26.5 percent of Malaysia’s GDP in 2025. A political transition there would consequently carry implications beyond party prestige.
Any incoming administration should prioritise continuity in essential services, infrastructure and legitimate investment commitments.
Contracts deserve transparent review where necessary, but indiscriminate cancellation could create uncertainty. If Selangor and Putrajaya were governed by opposing coalitions, both should cooperate on transport, housing, water and flood management. Residents should never bear the cost of partisan confrontation.
Economic credibility would also constrain any new prime minister. Campaign promises would have to withstand the realities of public finances, household pressures and business expectations.
Within its first hundred days, a new government should explain its fiscal priorities, support for vulnerable households and approach to investment. Credible procurement and independent institutions would strengthen confidence more effectively than declarations of stability.
Externally, leadership change should preserve Malaysia’s strategic independence. Wisma Putra identifies an independent, principled and pragmatic foreign policy, with ASEAN as its cornerstone. These commitments provide a foundation that should outlast individual administrations.
A Zahid-led government would need to maintain productive relations with China and the United States while defending Malaysian sovereignty. Commercial engagement with Beijing should coexist with firmness over maritime rights.
Cooperation with Washington should preserve Malaysia’s freedom to determine its own diplomatic and economic choices.
Diversifying partnerships would reduce vulnerability to pressure from either power.
Regional diplomacy would remain demanding.
Myanmar’s conflict and South China Sea tensions continue to challenge ASEAN’s cohesion. Malaysia should support practical regional cooperation, humanitarian engagement and international law, while maintaining sufficient domestic policy consistency to be a credible partner.
Ultimately, neither Zahid’s possible premiership nor PH’s possible defeat in Selangor would, by itself, establish whether Malaysia was progressing or regressing. The decisive tests would be how power was exercised, whether institutions remained independent, and whether citizens experienced greater security and opportunity.
Malaysia’s next political chapter should be judged by its capacity to turn electoral competition into responsible government. Winning power would only begin that task.
Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar (Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman)
Prof Madya Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah (Universiti Sains Islam Malysia)
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of theSun.