Impeachment vs VP Duterte amid a burning economy

PoliticsOpinion
28 Mar 2026 • 12:05 AM MYT
The Manila Times
The Manila Times

One of the longest-running English broadsheets in the Philippines

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AT a moment when Filipinos are tightening their belts amid rising food prices, volatile fuel costs and deepening economic anxiety, the country’s political leadership is consumed by a different priority: impeachment.

The case against Vice President Sara Duterte has now crossed a critical threshold. The House Committee on Justice has declared the complaints sufficient in form, sufficient in substance and sufficient in grounds — a procedural trifecta that transforms impeachment from mere political noise into a serious institutional process.

But beneath the formalities of constitutional procedure lies a deeper reality: This is not really about accountability. This is about power struggles and the unfolding battle for 2028.

Where the case now stands

The implications of the committee’s rulings cannot be overstated. Sufficiency in form means the complaints meet procedural requirements. Sufficiency in substance means the allegations are serious enough to warrant inquiry. Sufficiency in grounds means there is a prima facie basis to proceed to full hearings. In practical terms, the impeachment case has survived all initial filters. It is now in the stage where evidence, testimony and political maneuvering will determine whether it reaches the plenary vote in the House, and ultimately, the Senate. This is no longer speculative. It is operational.

With the committee having declared the complaints sufficient in all respects, the process now moves forward: Formal hearings will intensify, evidence and testimony will be presented, and political alliances will be tested.

Given the composition of the House, it is plausible that the impeachment will reach the plenary and secure the required vote. Yet, even as the case moves forward, it remains entangled in legal ambiguity. First, the “one-year bar rule.” The Constitution prohibits initiating impeachment proceedings against the same official more than once within a year. But the ambiguity lies in when that “one year” begins: From the filing of the first complaint? From the committee’s action? From the Supreme Court’s nullification of earlier proceedings? This uncertainty has opened space for strategic interpretation, allowing both camps to weaponize constitutional timing. The Duterte camp is now signaling a return to the Supreme Court, not to argue innocence, but to challenge the very validity of the process itself.

Second, the constitutional-institutional tension — Congress vs Supreme Court. The previous Supreme Court intervention, which voided earlier impeachment attempts, has already reshaped the landscape. Congress asserts its exclusive power to impeach, and the Supreme Court, on the other hand, asserts its role as guardian of constitutional limits. The result is a cyclical contest: Congress proceeds, Supreme Court intervenes and political actors recalibrate. This is not just a legal review. This is institutional brinkmanship.

Third, selective momentum and political reality. The contrast is striking: Impeachment complaints against President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. were swiftly dismissed. Duterte’s case is being actively advanced. This asymmetry reveals what many already suspect. Impeachment in the Philippines is not purely legal; it is political, coalition-dependent and power-struggle-driven.

But the real uncertainty lies beyond: Will the Supreme Court intervene again? Will political pressure reshape congressional behavior? And will public opinion shift the trajectory?

The real story

At its core, the impeachment reflects the unraveling of the most powerful political alliance in recent Philippine history. The Marcos-Duterte tandem that dominated the 2022 elections is completely fractured. Sara Duterte has openly positioned herself for a 2028 presidential run. The Marcos camp retains control over the House. Both sides are consolidating influence ahead of the next electoral cycle. In this context, impeachment is not necessarily about accountability; it becomes a form of preemptive political containment.

Hence, the Philippines is situated in a phase of political elite fragmentation, suggesting it is indeed a divided state. Executive leadership is perceived as vindictive, legislative power is factionalized and institutional processes are increasingly politicized. This fragmentation creates a governance environment driven by political rivalry rather than national strategy.

Furthermore, impeachment is no longer exceptional. It is, to a greater degree, being normalized. In a short time, complaints have been filed against both the president and the vice president. Legal thresholds are being tested repeatedly, and constitutional provisions are being stretched to their interpretive limits. The danger is clear: When impeachment becomes routine, it loses its legitimacy as a tool of accountability and becomes a tool of political warfare and containment.

Moreover, every hour spent on impeachment is an hour spent away from governance. The country faces persistent inflationary pressure, energy vulnerability amid global instability and rapidly slowing economic momentum, but the politicians are focused on 2028 and the impeachment of Sara Duterte, while the Filipino public is struggling amid the economic crunch.

The paradox 

of political survival

Ironically, the impeachment process may strengthen Duterte politically. If the case fails in the House, she emerges vindicated, able to frame herself as a victim of political persecution. If it reaches the Senate and ends in an acquittal, Sara gains even greater political capital, reinforcing a narrative of resilience against attacks from the political elite.

If convicted, potentially and possibly, she may be disqualified from public office. But conviction is a high bar: It requires a two-thirds vote in the Senate, and the Senate has historically been less predictable than the House. Thus, the most likely outcome is not necessarily removal, but political repositioning.

Nevertheless, perhaps the most troubling question for a nation that is distracted and divided, the deeper indictment, is not legal, but moral: What does it say about a country facing economic hardship and energy crisis, yet consumed by political warfare and impeachment politics?

Misaligned priorities

Indeed, there are misaligned priorities at the moment under Marcos Jr.’s government. Filipinos are dealing with rising prices of basic commodities like rice, increasing fuel costs, higher electricity bills and transportation costs, etc. Yet the politicians are focused on the impeachment case against Sara Duterte, legal maneuvering and electoral positioning. The disconnect is glaring.

The political atmosphere in the country is akin to a permanent campaign mode. Governance has become indistinguishable from campaigning. Every move is calculated not for policy impact, not necessarily for the genuine well-being of Filipinos, but for electoral advantage. Impeachment is no longer about justice; it is about narrative control heading into 2028.

In times of crisis, states are expected to act decisively. But the Philippines is experiencing a strategic drift. The Philippine state appears to be internally preoccupied, politically fragmented and strategically adrift. This is not just a governance issue, it is national vulnerability.

Conclusion

Whether one agrees or not, the impeachment of Sara Duterte is not so much about legality or accountability. It is about the struggle for political dominance in a system where institutions are increasingly instruments of political competition among various political factions.

But in this struggle, the Filipino people risk becoming spectators to a political drama that does little to address their immediate concerns. While politicians fight over power, the economy strains, prices rise and uncertainty deepens.

The tragedy is not that impeachment exists. The tragedy is that, at a time when genuine governance is most needed, backward politics has taken center stage — once again.