I don’t think anyone could have failed to notice that the royalty is becoming increasingly assertive in the affairs of the country.
Just today, the Tengku Mahkota of Pahang ordered the Malaysian Armed Forces to seek prior consent from the Sultan of Pahang before conducting military training exercises in the state.
According to the Crown Prince, the concern was that planned military activities near Pahang’s islands could damage the environmental ecosystem, flora, and fauna of the area.
But the Pahang Palace is not the only royal institution that has been making headlines lately.
The Negeri Sembilan and Selangor royal houses have also found themselves at the centre of major political controversies in recent months.
Last month, Negeri Sembilan witnessed what was effectively an attempted political coup after 14 UMNO assemblymen, led by state chief Datuk Seri Jalaluddin Alias, withdrew support for the state government and attempted, together with five opposition assemblymen, to replace the administration.
The 14 UMNO assemblymen sought an audience with the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan, Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir, in late April 2026, but the meeting never materialised.
Instead, the Yamtuan Besar instructed the embattled Menteri Besar, Aminuddin Harun, to continue carrying out his administrative duties in order to preserve stability while the question of majority support was clarified.
Then came the recent dispute between DAP personalities and the Selangor Palace over pig farming in the state.
Earlier this year, the Sultan of Selangor reportedly issued a decree calling for pig farming activities in Selangor to be ended.
Several DAP figures challenged the matter, most notably Tony Pua, adviser to DAP secretary-general Anthony Loke, who questioned whether such a royal decree could be interpreted as a binding directive — something that would sit uneasily within Malaysia’s constitutional framework.
Before the controversy surrounding the Selangor Palace had even settled, now the Pahang Palace stepped forward as well — this time in the name of environmental protection.
Naturally, all this has led many Malaysians to ask an important question:
What exactly is the role of the monarchy in our constitutional system?
Much of the recent debate has revolved around the meaning and force of a “titah” or royal decree.
If a Sultan issues a titah to a state government, is the government constitutionally obliged to comply?
But rather then contemplate the meaning of a royal decree, perhaps the more meaningful way to understand the monarchy is this:
The monarchy becomes most visible and assertive when the elected government is perceived to be struggling, malfunctioning, or unable to maintain order and confidence on its own.
There are several situations in which this can happen.
The first is entirely natural.
Whenever Parliament or a state assembly is dissolved and elections are called, there is an interregnum - usually lasting a few weeks - before a new government is formed. During this period, the monarchy necessarily assumes a more active constitutional role in ensuring continuity and stability.
The second situation arises during institutional conflict.
When the executive, judiciary, legislature, or political parties enter into deadlock or crisis, the monarchy may emerge as the ultimate stabilising institution.
Malaysia’s 1988 judicial crisis is perhaps the clearest historical example. The confrontation between the executive and judiciary during the removal of Tun Salleh Abas pushed the monarchy into a far more politically sensitive role than it would ordinarily occupy.
The formation of the government after GE 15 in 2022 can also serve as another example. When no one party or coalition obtained sufficient mandate from the people to form the government, it was the arbitration of the royalty that managed to break the stalemate.
The third situation is during a national emergency.
In times of emergency, constitutional norms shift dramatically. The ordinary mandate of electoral politics becomes secondary to questions of stability, order, and survival — and under such circumstances, the monarchy inevitably acquires greater discretionary influence.
The broader pattern, therefore, is relatively clear:
The monarchy tends to become more active when the normal machinery of democratic governance appears weak, paralysed, divided, or incapable of commanding confidence.
That is why the growing assertiveness of the royal institutions does not bode particularly well for the Madani government.
If the federal and state governments were perceived to be fully in control — politically stable, administratively competent, and institutionally respected — there would be far less perceived need for royal intervention, guidance, or public positioning.
The fact that multiple royal houses now appear increasingly willing to step forward to protect what they view as the interests of their respective domain suggests something deeper is happening beneath the surface of Malaysian politics.
At the very least, it suggests that the monarchy increasingly feels compelled to fill spaces where confidence in the political class is weakening.
And when unelected institutions begin feeling the need to compensate for the perceived weaknesses of elected institutions, it is rarely a sign of political health.
In other words, the more the monarchy feels compelled to step forward, the more the public may conclude that the Madani government is no longer fully in command of the country.
TheRealNehruism (nehru.sathiamoorthy@gmail.com) is a content creator under the Newswav Creator programme, where you get to express yourself, be a citizen journalist, and at the same time monetize your content & reach millions of users on Newswav. Log in to creator.newswav.com and become a Newswav Creator now!
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