Najib Razak is currently in prison for crimes related to SRC International. In July 2020, the High Court found the former prime minister guilty on all seven charges involving the misappropriation of RM42 million in SRC funds. He was sentenced to 12 years’ imprisonment and fined RM210 million, with the court ordering that all sentences run concurrently. It was a historic conviction, not merely because a former prime minister was jailed, but because the court rejected—point by point—the familiar defence of ignorance, delegation, and finger-pointing.
That original 12-year sentence, however, did not ultimately stand in full. Following a partial pardon, Najib’s jail term was halved to six years, and his fine reduced to RM50 million. Even then, he sought further relief—most notably an attempt to convert his prison sentence into house arrest. That effort failed.
And just days after that failure, matters became far worse.
In December 2025, or just a few weeks ago , Najib was convicted in the long-running 1MDB trial. The High Court sentenced him to 15 years’ imprisonment for abuse of power and imposed a staggering RM11.387 billion fine. The sentence is set to begin in 2028, immediately after he completes his SRC term. In addition, he was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment on 21 money laundering charges and ordered to pay a recoverable sum of RM2.08 billion—failure of which would add another 270 months behind bars.
Crucially, the RM11 billion fine is not symbolic. It is punitive, recoverable, and enforceable. And Najib will almost certainly be unable to pay it. Failure to do so means more years in prison—potentially turning his 15-year sentence into something far longer in practice.
But if one thinks this is the worst a 72-year-old Najib Razak has to face, one should hold one’s horses. There is more to come.
2026: The Year the Civil Reckoning Begins
As grim as Najib’s situation is inside prison, his exposure outside it may be even more devastating.
In 2026, Najib is expected to return to court—not as a criminal defendant, but as a civil one. And the sums involved make his criminal fines look almost modest.
Foremost among these is a RM35 billion civil lawsuit filed by 1MDB and four of its subsidiaries against Najib and several former senior officials. The suit, filed in 2021 but stayed pending the criminal proceedings, alleges massive financial losses caused by misfeasance and abuse of power. Unlike criminal trials, these civil suits operate on a lower standard of proof: balance of probabilities, not beyond reasonable doubt.
There is also a long-delayed lawsuit by former Damansara MP Tony Pua, alleging misfeasance in public office—an action that directly challenges Najib’s conduct as prime minister, not merely as an individual beneficiary of corruption.
Then comes SRC International’s own civil claim: US$1.18 billion, representing funds borrowed from KWAP. This case is particularly damaging because it follows a criminal conviction already affirmed by the Federal Court. While criminal guilt does not automatically guarantee civil liability, it provides a formidable evidentiary backdrop.
Add to this Najib’s ongoing bankruptcy proceedings, stemming from RM1.69 billion in unpaid taxes owed to the Inland Revenue Board. His attempt to stay those proceedings has already been dismissed. Any successful civil judgment exceeding RM100,000 could independently trigger further bankruptcy action—allowing creditors to seize assets, freeze accounts, and force sales.
In short, Najib is heading into a legal environment where imprisonment is no longer the central threat. Financial annihilation is.
A Bleak Arithmetic
When one lays out the arithmetic coldly, the picture is stark.
- Six years for SRC.
- Fifteen years for 1MDB, starting in 2028.
- Potential additional years for failure to pay fines running into the tens of billions.
- Civil suits totalling well over RM35 billion, with interest and costs.
- Bankruptcy proceedings that could strip him of whatever assets remain.
At that point, the question is no longer whether Najib will ever return to public life. It is whether he will ever leave the legal system at all.
There is a bitter irony here. Najib spent years insisting that he was the victim of political persecution, that history would vindicate him, that he would one day walk free. Instead, history has done something far more mundane—and far more devastating.
It has applied the law.
And by the looks of what awaits him in 2026 and beyond, one is tempted to conclude that prison, harsh as it is, may well be the least punishing part of Najib Razak’s remaining life.
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