Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim sounded almost gleeful when asked about the growing troubles within Perikatan Nasional (PN). At a press conference, he expressed gratitude that cooperation within the Madani government remained strong—an apparent dig at PN’s internal turmoil.
“I am grateful that the unity and cooperation within the Madani government have grown stronger and more sincere, and that there have been no attempts at sabotage or betrayal among our friends,” Anwar said, stressing that there was no culture of treachery within his coalition.
The remark came in response to questions surrounding PN’s ongoing crisis, which culminated in Bersatu president Muhyiddin Yassin announcing his resignation as PN chairman, effective January 1. Muhyiddin had led the coalition since its formal registration on August 7, 2020.
Anwar’s confidence is understandable. Compared to PN’s visible fractures—exposed most recently by the Perlis political crisis—Pakatan Harapan (PH) does appear calm and orderly.
For context, in Perlis, PAS’s Sanglang assemblyman Shukri Ramli resigned as menteri besar, only to be replaced by Bersatu’s Kuala Perlis assemblyman Abu Bakar Hamzah. Bersatu then faced sharp backlash from PAS leaders for failing to act against five assemblymen who withdrew support for Shukri, while PAS swiftly terminated the memberships of three of its own assemblymen who did the same, declaring their seats vacant.
The problem between the two component parties in Perikatan Nasional then culminated in Muhyiddin and the top lieutenants of Bersatu, resigning en masse from their leadership position in Perikatan Nasional.
On the surface, PN looks like a coalition coming apart at the seams.
But herein lies Anwar’s misreading of the situation.
What Anwar sees as weakening may, in fact, be the beginning of strengthening.
Crisis, Properly Understood
Hippocrates, the father of modern medicine, defined a crisis as a decisive turning point in the course of a disease—a moment when nature either overcomes the illness, leading to recovery, or succumbs to it, leading to death.
By that definition, Perikatan Nasional has been in crisis for the past three years. It is in crisis because it has been structured against the order of nature and the crisis it has been facing has led it to deterioration, decay and decline in the last three years.
Perikatan is structured against the natural order because it is led by Bersatu, even though PAS is objectively the stronger and more dominant component party. This violates a basic political law: the strong must lead the weak, not the other way around.
This unnatural hierarchy has been compounded by the fact that Bersatu itself was led by a weak leader in Muhyiddin Yassin—one who lacked charisma, authority, and the capacity to command obedience from allies stronger than his own party.
A Necessary Comparison: Pakatan’s Own Fragility
Some of you might counter by pointing out that PKR, which is weaker than DAP, is also leading PH. But this reversal of natural hierarchy is balanced by one crucial factor: Anwar Ibrahim himself.
Anwar is clearly the most battle-hardened, experienced, commanding, and charismatic leader in PH. His personal authority compensates for PKR’s relative weakness in comparison to DAP.
Remove Anwar from the equation, however, and PH would immediately face the same disease that has plagued Perikatan.
If Anwar were to step down today and Nurul Izzah were to take over as PH leader, I will not be surprised if PH would quickly discover what PN has learned the hard way. Nurul Izzah does not possess leadership qualities superior to Anthony Loke or DAP’s senior lieutenants. Anwar must fix this succession problem before he exits the stage—if he does not, PH will be afflicted by the same disorder that he sees in Perikatan today, in the sense that PH too will weaken, decay and deteriorate, to the point that it too might be torn apart by betrayal and sabotage.
Perikatan’s Decline—and Its Turning Point
It was this dual violation of the order of nature—being led by the weaker party and a weak leader—that caused Perikatan to deteriorate over the last three years.
This decline should not be misunderstood as historical inevitability. Let us not forget: after the 2020 election, Perikatan was the first coalition to secure enough seats to form a government. That it ultimately failed to do so was not because it was weaker than Pakatan, but because the referee’s decision favoured Pakatan.
Since then, however, Perikatan’s internal contradictions have steadily eaten away at it—until today, when it appears to be in complete disarray.
But houses often look messiest just before they are properly cleaned.
Disorder as a Sign of Revival
The chaos Perikatan is displaying today is not necessarily a sign of collapse. On the contrary, it may be the clearest sign yet that the coalition is finally correcting its unnatural structure.
Muhyiddin’s resignation represents Perikatan’s crisis at its highest point. From here on, it is unlikely to get worse.
While we do not yet know who will replace Muhyiddin as PN chairman, we know who the likely candidates are. They are , in order of probability: Hamzah Zainuddin, Mahathir Mohamad, Terengganu Menteri Besar Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, and Kedah Menteri Besar Sanusi Nor.
Realistically, I feel that the the contest is between Hamzah and Mahathir. But regardless of who emerges victorious, one thing is for sure: Perikatan will almost certainly be stronger than it was under Muhyiddin’s leadership.
At the very least, it will stop deteriorating. At best, it may evolve into a far more effective opposition—one capable not only of challenging Pakatan, but of seriously threatening its grip on power.
Pakatan’s Complacency Problem
Anwar and Pakatan must remember a crucial truth: their consolidation of power over the last three years is not only due to their own prowess and superiority - it has been aided significantly by Perikatan’s weakness and deterioration.
Anwar and Pakatan must also remember that instead making hay while the sun shone—of striking while the iron was hot—Pakatan has dallied. It has grown complacent. Worse, it has alienated its most loyal supporters.
Today,Pakatan has lost much of its non-Malay support while failing to make meaningful inroads among the Malays. This is a costly mistake that will expose Pakatan’s vulnerability in 2026.
The Coming Reckoning
Anwar may laugh at Perikatan’s disarray at the end of 2025. But in a few months’ time, he may find little to laugh about.
If Perikatan manages its post-crisis transition effectively, Pakatan and its ally UMNO could very well lose Melaka and Johor in the coming state elections. Such losses would strip the federal government of its aura of inevitability—leaving it vulnerable to further blows, including a potential political battering by GPS in Sarawak.
Perikatan has already endured its darkest days. The worst is likely over.
From this point onward, Perikatan is more likely to improve than to collapse.
Anwar and Pakatan, on the other hand, may have already seen the last of their days in the light. From 2026 onwards, it would not be surprising if things begin to grow steadily darker for them.
And if Anwar has any political sense, he should stop mistaking this crisis for Perikatan’s death throes—and start preparing for a harder time to come.
Perikatan will be rejuvenated and stronger in 2026. It is best that Anwar anticipate it from today itself.
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