Recently, PAS's deputy president, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, floated the idea that Mandarin and Tamil should be offered as optional subjects in national schools, claiming that such a move would promote unity and reduce racial tension.
“Sometimes, when the Chinese speak among themselves, Malays don’t understand. It’s the same when Indians speak in Tamil. This causes mistrust.
“Can we introduce Tamil and Mandarin as subjects in national schools so that our children can learn and understand each other?” the Kubang Kerian MP said at the opening of the PAS supporters’ wing’s congress at the Gandhi Hall here last week.
At first glance, this might sound like a step in the right direction. After all, PAS is not known for embracing multiculturalism in practice, so when one of its top leaders suddenly talks about introducing Mandarin and Tamil into the mainstream education system, one could be forgiven for thinking that the party is softening its stance or at least showing interest in trying something new.
But before we get carried away, it’s worth taking a closer look at how Tuan Ibrahim responded when Kepong MP Lim Lip Eng suggested that PAS should start by implementing the very same idea in its own backyard—namely, in PASTI, the pre-schools it operates across the country.
Instead of agreeing that PAS should lead by example, Tuan Ibrahim dismissed the suggestion outright.
“If he wants to suggest doing it in PASTI, that doesn’t mean much. We’re talking about making it part of the national education policy, not just one small unit. That kind of thinking is too kampung (village-minded). You can’t solve racial unity issues with just one or two small efforts,” He said to respond to Lim’s comment that PAS should first implement Tamil and Mandarin in its own preschools before pushing for it in national schools.
He argued that introducing Mandarin and Tamil at the PASTI level would not achieve much, since his vision was for these languages to be included in national education policy, not just “one small part” of the system. He even labelled Lim’s suggestion as “kampung thinking”—too small-minded, too insignificant to solve a big national issue like unity.
And this is where his whole argument collapses.
When a political leader tells the entire country what it should do, but refuses to take even a small step in that direction within his own organisation, it is hard to see the proposal as sincere. Instead, it begins to look like a political maneuver—a clever trick designed to put the government in a no-win situation.
Think about it. If the government accepts the proposal and introduces Mandarin and Tamil in national schools, critics will immediately pounce, claiming that Bahasa Melayu is being sidelined or that the government is bowing to DAP’s influence, despite Anwar Ibrahim being Prime Minister. PAS could then use this to stoke suspicion and resentment among the Malay electorate, accusing the unity government of betraying Malay interests.
On the other hand, if the government rejects the proposal, then PAS gets to say: “Look, the government talks endlessly about multiculturalism, but when it comes to action, they don’t deliver.” In that way, PAS would paint the unity government as hypocritical, content with slogans but unwilling to walk the talk.
Either way, PAS wins politically, while the government is left scrambling to defend itself. That is the classic definition of a “damned if you do, damned if you don’t” trap.
Tuan Ibrahim even tried to wash his hands of responsibility, saying: “I’m just throwing out an idea. Usually, they (the government) won’t even consider it. If they do, great.” In other words, he positions himself as the generous giver of advice, while shifting the blame to the government for not seizing the supposed opportunity.
But here is the real problem: advice, if it is to be taken seriously, must be lived by the person who gives it. A sincere piece of advice is always tested in one’s own home before being offered to others. If you are unwilling to practice it in your own house, then it rings hollow when you tell the rest of the nation to adopt it.
This is why Lim Lip Eng’s challenge was so powerful. It cut straight through the pretense. If PAS truly believed in the unifying power of language learning, why not start in PASTI? Why not show the nation how it works in practice, on a small scale, before calling on others to implement it on a large one? That would have demonstrated both sincerity and leadership.
Instead, PAS refused to take its own medicine. And that refusal tells us everything we need to know: this was never about genuine unity or easing racial tension. It was about scoring political points and placing the government in an awkward position.
Ultimately, the measure of sincerity in politics is not in the words spoken but in the actions taken. If PAS wants to be taken seriously as a contributor to national unity, it should begin by embodying its own advice. Until then, Malaysians have every reason to treat such proposals not as visionary ideas, but as tactical ploys dressed up in the language of unity.
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