By the time this article is out, Sabah's election will have likely commenced. In the election scheduled this weekend on 29th November, a total of 596 candidates will be vying for the 73 State Legislative Assembly seats — a number so extraordinary that it raises a genuine question: is this democracy at its most vibrant, or chaos at its most organised? The sheer scale of this overcrowded ballot is reflected in the multi-cornered contests across the state, with a 14-cornered fight in Tulid, 13-cornered battles in Bandau, Tamparuli, Inanam and Kapayan, and 12-cornered tussles in Banggi and Moyog.
This election has all the ingredients of a political thriller — mining scandals, whistleblowers, shifting alliances so convoluted that even seasoned analysts need a map, and that unusual PH–GRS–BN ménage à trois where all three blocs are technically partners but appear to resent each other in equal measure. Add to that a major court ruling reaffirming Sabah’s right to 40% of its revenue, followed by Putrajaya sending mixed signals about whether it would challenge the decision, and the stakes suddenly resemble a World Cup final — except this one plays out in constituencies with a dozen candidates each.
That election fever has reached an all-time high became undeniable when Anwar Ibrahim announced the federal government’s commitment to “immediately” implementing Sabah’s 40% revenue claim — a decision woven directly into the campaign mood.
“I have stated in Cabinet and announced in Parliament that the federal government will honour this commitment and implement the 40% immediately,” he said in his speech during a meet-and-greet at the Bajau Samah Cultural Hall here.
This came despite the Attorney-General’s Chambers earlier indicating it would challenge what it described as defects in the High Court judgement. That judgement, delivered on October 17, found that Putrajaya had acted unlawfully and beyond constitutional authority in failing to fulfil Sabah’s fiscal rights from 1974 to 2021. It also declared previous grant arrangements “unlawful, ultra vires, and irrational.” With the AGC preparing to file its challenge, the prime minister’s sudden pledge to implement the ruling “immediately” appears to pre-empt the legal manoeuvre — and arrives just hours before Sabahans head to the polls.
But perhaps the most decisive force in this election isn’t legal drama or federal-state bargaining. It is the swelling “Sabah for Sabahans” sentiment — one that has grown so potent that even PKR’s own campaign machinery is scrambling to navigate it. Internal accounts indicate that Sabah PKR candidates have been keeping their distance from central leaders, likely because they can sense the anti-Semenanjung sentiment latent in their constituents.
According to party insiders, candidates have been reluctant to seek campaign assistance from the peninsula, insisting on minimal visibility from national leaders while prioritising funds over manpower.
“We want to help them in the best way we can, but the candidates don’t seem interested in our help. It’s as if they don’t want to be seen with leaders from the peninsula, especially when meeting voters.”
“We genuinely want to help — not just by providing resources, but also by offering manpower and ideas. So far, the candidates mostly only call for funds, ” a PKR leader was reported to have said.
Some in Sabah argue that this reluctance stems not only from voter sentiment but also from friction with the peninsula’s campaign style. They say that while support is welcome, it must not undermine local autonomy — and certainly must not come with the kind of “bossy” behaviour that Sabahans perceive as outsiders meddling in local soil.
There is also growing frustration that during high-profile visits by national leaders, machinery from the peninsula tends to crowd out ordinary Sabahans — especially villagers who seldom get the chance to meet the prime minister in person. These small cultural frictions, amplified during campaign season, form the quiet undercurrent that every party must navigate.
Logically, GRS and its ménage à trois arrangement with PH and BN should emerge the biggest winner when the dust settles. Multi-cornered contests naturally benefit incumbents and coalitions with established machinery. With 596 candidates splitting the vote across 73 seats, even a steady 20% share can deliver victory.
But instinctively, the possibility of a major upset lingers — one that could come from a local party with deep emotional resonance. Warisan, despite its recent struggles, remains well-positioned to ride the “Sabah for Sabahans” wave in seats where a dozen candidates fragment the ballot. In such races, a strong identity and loyal voter base can overpower larger alliances burdened by national baggage.
Sabah’s political terrain has always been unpredictable — a place where independents, micro-parties, and sudden realignments can flip a constituency overnight. With 24 political parties and 74 independents joining the fray, the electoral field has become so crowded that vote-splitting is almost guaranteed.
And in an election shaped by mining controversies, fiscal rights, federal-state tensions, and an electorate fiercely protective of its identity, the final outcome may hinge not on machinery, money, or coalition arithmetic — but on instinct.
Because when Sabahans feel their identity is at stake, they might discard practical consideration, and simply vote according to their instinct and preference.
History shows that Sabahan voters are indeed unpredictable, who have no hesitation in upending predictions.
And this time, with 596 candidates on the ballot, the margin for victory might be small, but the margin for surprise likely looms larger than ever.
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