As the campaign roadshows roll into town and the political rhetoric heats up for the upcoming July 11 Johor state election, the ordinary rakyat is looking at the stage with a deep, lingering sense of déjà vu.
We have seen this movie before. And we remember exactly how it ends.
For nearly two decades, the tragic death of Teoh Beng Hock and the heartbreaking 17-year abduction of M. Indira Gandhi’s daughter, Prasana Diksa, were the emotional bedrock of Pakatan Harapan’s campaign trail. DAP and PKR leaders stood on stages across Johor and Selangor, tears in their eyes, promising that the moment they captured Putrajaya, justice would be swift and absolute.
Well, they captured power. Twice. Yet today, the file on Teoh Beng Hock remains caught in an endless loop of administrative "No Further Action" (NFA) classifications. Just this month, the Kuala Lumpur High Court dealt another crushing blow by dismissing Indira Gandhi’s legal challenge against unilateral conversion enactments Kuala Lumpur High Court. The harsh reality? When the former opposition sat comfortably in power, the fiery promises evaporated, leaving the families to nurse their 17-year-old hurts alone. As one online commenter bitterly noted: "DAP milked the issue to the maximum to get the votes, and after they became successful to rule the country, they completely forgot and ignored the family."
Now enters Rafizi Ramli and his newly formed Parti Bersama Malaysia.
Rafizi keeps promising that his team is here to clean up government corruption, eliminate wrongdoing, and fix a broken system. If that promise is real, then these two long-running cases are the ultimate test. Instead of giving the usual bureaucratic excuses or letting the cases fade away, Bersama must actively work on finding a solution.
Critics and cybertroopers are already screaming at the families to "move on, accept it as fate, and stop bringing up a 20-year-old story during election season." But how can a society move on when murderers walk scot-free and enforcement agencies actively protect the perpetrators?
If Rafizi's team can step up and actively work on these two cases right now showing an honest, visible attempt to untangle these institutional cover-ups it would be the greatest victory for Bersama. It would prove to the rakyat that they are genuinely different from the politicians who came before them. If they show they are actively working on it instead of giving excuses, the ground support in Johor will be seismic, potentially carrying them to a historic victory in their first political outing.
The immediate, sharp reaction from political cynics is entirely predictable: “Ayo, this is a state election! Johor and Negeri Sembilan assemblies cannot control the federal police or the MACC! Why are we wasting our breath?” On paper, the legal purists are technically correct. State legislatures control local government, land allocation, and municipal infrastructure. They do not command the PDRM, they do not hold the keys to the Attorney-General's Chambers, and they cannot dictate federal investigations.
But in the raw, messy world of Malaysian realpolitik, state elections have always been the ultimate weapon to leverage Putrajaya. Here is how a state-level victory can force the federal government's hand:
First, under the Federal Constitution, every single state legislative assembly has the legal right to elect and send two State Senators directly to the Dewan Negara (the upper house of Parliament). If Bersama wins a substantial bloc or forms part of a state administration, they control those senatorial appointments. Instead of appointing compliant bodek kakis (bootlickers), they can appoint fierce civil rights advocates tasked with keeping the Teoh Beng Hock and Indira Gandhi files open on the federal floor. Every single federal bill and budget must pass through the Senate; state-backed senators can act as legislative roadblocks, demanding progress updates from the Home Ministry as a condition for cooperation.
Second, a victory for Bersama in tight, crucial seats sends a seismic shockwave straight to the Prime Minister’s Office. It acts as a direct ballot box referendum proving that the non-Malay and reformist voter base is actively punishing the Madani government for its inaction. To prevent a total wipeout in GE16, political survival will override institutional laziness, forcing the federal cabinet to suddenly find the political will to demand actionable results from the MACC chief or the Inspector-General of Police.
Third, while federal agencies hold executive power, they are entirely dependent on state governments for local operations. Land is strictly a state matter under the Constitution. A bold state government can practice aggressive administrative non-cooperation. Want state land to build a new federal police station or an upgraded MACC headquarters in Johor? The state can easily deprioritize, delay, or place strict human rights compliance conditions on those land transfers, forcing an immediate, unavoidable negotiation with Putrajaya.
By utilizing the July 11 polls as a targeted weapon, grassroots voters can change the math. A victory for Bersama in Johor tells Putrajaya that hiding behind administrative protocols is no longer free. If your heart is already with Bersama, wrap up the Akasia drama. The voters heading to the ballot boxes this July aren't interested in empty digital hype or legal excuses; they want leaders who care more about the country than their own political survival.
Annan Vathegi voice of the grassroots, defender of community accountability
Annan Vaithegi (annanvaithegi@icloud.com) is a content creator under the Newswav Creator programme, where you get to express yourself, be a citizen journalist, and at the same time monetize your content & reach millions of users on Newswav. Log in to creator.newswav.com and become a Newswav Creator now!
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