Perikatan Nasional (PN), or the National Alliance, has emerged as a formidable force in contemporary Malaysian politics, currently standing as the nation’s second-largest political coalition with 74 parliamentary seats – just seven seats shy of the governing Pakatan Harapan’s 81 seats.
The coalition brings together an eclectic mix of parties, including Pas, Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia, Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party. PN’s origins trace back to the turbulent political crisis of 2020 to 2022, when Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, then PN’s leader, seized the opportunity to forge this alliance and ascend to the premiership.
During this period of political upheaval, Muhyiddin orchestrated an informal but effective governing arrangement that incorporated Barisan Nasional, Gabungan Parti Sarawak, Gabungan Rakyat Sabah and various smaller political entities, enabling his administration to govern from 2020 until 2022. Even after Muhyiddin’s resignation in 2021, PN maintained its governmental relevance under Prime Minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob’s administration.
The coalition’s electoral resilience was further demonstrated following the 2022 federal elections, when PN deputy chairman Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin assumed the crucial role of Opposition leader, cementing PN’s status as the primary alternative to the current government.
Rise of PN
PN’s rise within Malaysia’s crowded political landscape cannot be attributed to mere circumstance. Rather, it reflects a confluence of strategic advantages and carefully cultivated appeal that has resonated deeply with the electorate.
Foremost among these factors has been the coalition’s ability to project effective and broadly acceptable leadership. Muhyiddin’s initial stewardship gave PN credibility and executive experience, while subsequent leaders have continued to enhance the coalition’s appeal.
Notably, Pas figures such as Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar and Datuk Seri Takiyuddin Hassan have successfully rebranded themselves as moderate, competent and experienced leaders – countering longstanding perceptions of Pas as exclusively hardline or insular. This leadership evolution has proven essential in broadening PN’s appeal beyond its traditional base, especially at a time when current Malaysian leaders are mired in corruption allegations and deep-seated intra- and inter-party conflicts.
Equally significant has been PN’s success in capturing the Malay vote nationwide – a demographic that remains electorally strategic and decisive in Malaysian politics. This achievement stems largely from the coalition’s commitment to championing Malay rights, promoting Islamic governance and advancing development agendas for both urban and rural Malay communities.
By addressing economic anxieties and cultural concerns at the same time, PN has struck a chord with Malay voters across generational divides, appealing to younger voters seeking change as well as older voters desiring stability. This demographic consolidation represents a major shift in Malaysian electoral dynamics, challenging Umno’s long-standing dominance as the principal guardian of Malay interests.
The coalition’s emphasis on Islamic governance, pursued primarily through its strategic partnership with Pas, has further fortified its electoral position. By advocating what it terms a “resilient and regularised Islamic agenda”, PN has successfully mobilised conservative voters nationwide who seek greater institutionalisation of Islamic values in public life.
This religious appeal transcends mere symbolism, encompassing substantive policy proposals on education, family law and moral governance that resonate with voters concerned about social cohesion and cultural preservation.
Perhaps most strategically astute has been PN’s methodical regionalisation and cultivation of strong regional bases throughout the Malay heartland. Unlike competitors that have concentrated resources on federal-level politics or urban centres, PN has invested substantially in building governing capacity at the state level.
The coalition now controls state governments in Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu – collectively forming a contiguous Malay belt that demonstrates PN’s administrative competence within the federal framework. These state-level successes provide PN with tangible governance records to showcase, platforms for policy experimentation and patronage networks that strengthen its electoral machinery.
This territorial consolidation, often underestimated by rival parties fixated on national politics, has created a formidable foundation for future federal ambitions.
Complementing these political and organisational strengths, PN has articulated an economic narrative centred on economic nationalism, robust support for small and medium enterprises, and targeted assistance for economically disadvantaged Malays and non-Malays.
This economic platform positions PN as the authentic defender of Malay economic interests against both cosmopolitan globalisation and entrenched elite corruption.
Finally, PN has skilfully cultivated a strong anti-corruption image, presenting itself as a clean-government alternative to the administration of Anwar Ibrahim, which it argues has been plagued by various controversies and perceived compromises.
The cumulative effect of these assets – credible leadership, demographic consolidation, religious appeal, territorial control, economic nationalism and anti-corruption positioning – has established PN as Malaysia’s second most important political coalition and the leading contender to assume governmental power in the next general election.
PN’s challenges
Despite these strengths, PN’s path to national leadership remains fraught with significant obstacles that could derail its ambitions if not skilfully navigated. The most pressing concern involves leadership succession following Muhyiddin’s resignation as PN leader.
While the coalition has no shortage of credible figures, particularly from Pas ranks, the challenge lies in identifying a leader who can simultaneously energise the party base and attract swing voters at both state and federal levels. The two most prominent contenders, Pas vice-president and Terengganu Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, and Pas president Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang, offer different strengths and vulnerabilities.
Ahmad Samsuri represents a younger, more technocratic face of Pas governance, while Hadi commands deep loyalty from the party’s traditionalist base. The eventual choice will signal much about PN’s strategic direction and its reading of the electorate’s evolving preferences, with Ahmad Samsuri widely seen as the more appealing long-term successor to Muhyiddin.
Beyond individual leadership, PN must confront the broader challenge of opposition disarray. Internal tensions within the coalition – whether between Pas and Bersatu over ideological orientation, between federal and state leaders over resource allocation, or between conservative and moderate factions over policy priorities – threaten to undermine PN’s carefully cultivated image of competence and unity.
Here, the quality of top leadership becomes paramount. A unifying figure capable of managing these competing interests while projecting external confidence could consolidate the coalition, whereas weak or divisive leadership could deepen existing fissures. The coalition’s ability to present itself as a government-in-waiting rather than merely an opposition alliance depends significantly on resolving these internal dynamics.
External economic conditions present a third major variable that could substantially affect PN’s electoral fortunes. As the federal government retains primary authority over fiscal policy, monetary regulation and economic development initiatives, PN’s ability to influence national economic outcomes remains limited.
Should the current administration successfully stimulate economic recovery, reduce inflation and generate employment opportunities, especially in view of the global economic downturn stemming from the US-China economic war, the Ukraine war and now the Iran war, PN’s critique of governmental incompetence may lose resonance.
Conversely, prolonged economic stagnation or crisis would likely benefit the opposition, provided PN can articulate credible alternative policies. This dependence on external economic developments introduces considerable uncertainty into PN’s strategic calculations.
Finally, PN’s electoral strategy itself constitutes a critical challenge that will determine its capacity to translate popular support into governing power. While the coalition has demonstrated exceptional strength in mobilising Malay-Muslim heartland voters, national victory requires expanding beyond this base to capture non-Malay and non-Muslim constituencies, particularly in economically vital urban centres.
This expansion necessitates a delicate balancing act – maintaining the enthusiasm of core supporters while moderating messaging and policies to attract diverse voters traditionally aligned with Umno, Amanah or multi-ethnic coalitions. The non-Malay electorate, encompassing Chinese, Indian and indigenous communities, remains sceptical of PN’s Islamic governance agenda and concerned about possible marginalisation under Malay-majority rule.
Overcoming this scepticism requires sustained outreach, credible policy commitments on bread-and-butter issues – job creation, affordable housing and accessible healthcare – and reassurance regarding religious and cultural freedoms. Additionally, PN must develop coherent positions on defence and foreign policy that reassure both domestic audiences and international stakeholders, including Malaysia’s major trading partners and foreign investors.
The coalition’s ability to synthesise these diverse appeals into a compelling national narrative will ultimately determine whether it can secure the parliamentary majority needed to form the government, even with Pas currently holding the distinction of being the largest single party in Parliament.
What PN can do
To surmount these obstacles and realise its governing ambitions, PN must undertake several strategic initiatives designed to broaden its appeal and consolidate its organisational capacity.
First and foremost, the coalition must prioritise internal unity and project an image of stability free of the leadership crises and factional conflicts that have plagued Malaysian politics. This requires not merely papering over differences but establishing clear decision-making mechanisms, equitable resource distribution among component parties and a shared strategic vision.
Strong, broadly accepted leadership – whether emerging from Pas ranks or through consensus selection – will prove indispensable in this regard, providing both direction and symbolic representation of coalition cohesion.
Second, PN must sharpen its policy differentiation by simultaneously intensifying its anti-corruption crusade and presenting detailed, credible economic recovery programmes. While the anti-corruption narrative has proven electorally potent, it must be supplemented by a positive vision – concrete proposals for small and medium enterprise development, employment generation and expansion of the social safety net that demonstrate governing competence.
This dual emphasis on moral rectitude and economic pragmatism can position PN as a coalition genuinely committed to the welfare of all Malaysians rather than merely a defender of specific communal interests.
Third, and perhaps most crucially, PN must systematically expand its support base through deliberate engagement with non-Malay and non-Muslim communities. This expansion requires more than token gestures. It demands substantive policy adjustments, genuine power-sharing arrangements within the coalition, and visible representation of diverse communities in leadership positions.
Success in this endeavour would transform PN from a Malay-Muslim majoritarian movement into a genuinely national coalition capable of governing a multi-ethnic society.
Finally, PN must practise what might be termed smart politics – the strategic flexibility to form winning electoral combinations that transcend personal rivalries and ideological rigidities. Malaysian politics has historically rewarded coalitions capable of assembling broad alliances, and PN’s willingness to cooperate with potential partners – including elements within Barisan Nasional, regional parties from Sabah and Sarawak, or even disaffected factions from Pakatan Harapan – could prove decisive in securing a parliamentary majority.
Such alliances, however, must be constructed without alienating core supporters or compromising the coalition’s distinctive identity. Successfully navigating these imperatives – maintaining principled appeal while demonstrating pragmatic flexibility, consolidating the base while expanding outward, criticising government failures while presenting credible alternatives – will ultimately determine whether Perikatan Nasional can translate its current momentum into the ultimate prize of national governance, winning not merely electoral victory but also the confidence of Malaysia’s constitutional monarchy, security institutions and the international investment community.
While PN faces critical challenges in its bid for federal power, much can still be gained through strategic policy and clearer direction. To win power, PN must prioritise internal stability, sharpen policy differentiation with credible economic programmes, engage substantively with minority communities, and practise smart politics through flexible and strategic alliances with potential partners.
Successfully balancing principled appeal with pragmatic flexibility will determine whether PN can transform from an opposition force into the national government, securing the confidence of Malaysia’s monarchy, institutions, voters and the international community.
The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the writer and do not represent that of Twentytwo13.