SURVEYS show that President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. now has the lowest public satisfaction ratings of any president since those of Gloria Arroyo, who was pummeled by controversies, media and political rivals without the boost from sky-high post-election honeymoon ratings other leaders had.
The honeymoon matters in assessing the level and trajectory of public support or disaffection for Marcos. His net satisfaction grade in Social Weather Stations (SWS) polls, deducting the ratio of dissatisfied respondents from satisfied ones, dropped 78 percentage points from plus +63 in October 2022 to minus -15 in March 2026.
In the same three years and nine months after elections, Arroyo’s decline was just one-fourth of Marcos’ — 20 points from minus -6 in October 2004, hurt by the hostage-taking of overseas Filipino worker Angelo de la Cruz, to minus -26 in March 2008, during the global economic recession.
If one starts with her August 2004 mark of plus +12, the drop is 38 points — still below half Marcos’ decline. And after replacing Joseph Estrada, Arroyo actually nudged up from plus +24 in SWS’ March 2001 survey to plus +26 in June 2004.
One reason: 2 million Filipinos escaped poverty between 2000 and 2003, based on family income and expenditure surveys, after Arroyo implemented the 1995 Agriculture and Fisheries Modernization Act she authored as senator. She also released local governments’ internal revenue allotments held back for many years. Both policies raised incomes in rural areas, where most of the poor lived.
How secure is Marcos?
What’s the point of this comparison? Well, if Arroyo survived ouster moves despite negative ratings, is Marcos more secure — or less? Notably, his decline is much more precipitous than hers, plunging twice or thrice the percentage points she lost.
And his trajectory is a sustained decline, not ups and downs like other presidents. From plus +63 net satisfaction at the start of his presidency, Marcos dropped to plus +51 average in 2023, plus +25 in 2024, zero in 2025 and minus -15 this past quarter. Arroyo’s numbers fell from 2001 to 2003, recovered in 2004, plunged in 2005, then improved in 2006 and 2007 before dropping in her last two-and-a-half years amid worldwide inflation and recession.
This is despite unbroken Philippine growth even during the global downturn, when we were among rare economies in Asia expanding in 2008 and 2009, thanks to her unpopular but correct fiscal policy, globally praised for stabilizing our economy and the peso, and boosting investor confidence.
Which underscores the economy’s critical impact on stability. Ferdinand Marcos Sr. and Estrada fell after crushing domestic recession and currency devaluation. Facing no debilitating economic crises, Corazon Aquino and Arroyo overcame coup attempts.
As for Rodrigo Duterte, Filipinos accepted hardship as the price of fighting the coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19). Hence, he got top ratings among global and Philippine leaders — 81-percent approval in 2022 — for his handling of the pandemic, avoiding the worst of Covid-19 hitting even rich nations.
Marcos Jr.’s declines came with economic woes for the poor despite rapid growth in his early years, most especially dearer rice and other edibles in his 14 months vainly trying to run both the government and the Department of Agriculture. Costly food raised overall inflation and interest rates, slowing business.
Marcos also abandoned his own neutrality policy under Washington’s pressure, leading to lost Chinese investment, development aid and tourism. And the mind-boggling flood control graft dragged down public works. That worsened the construction slump amid the property glut left by exiting online gaming firms.
Backed by the powerful
What about sleaze? Unlike past administrations hit by massive corruption, Marcos has largely avoided mass protests directly against him.
Strong political and media support is one reason, downplaying accusations against Marcos, like the testimonies of 19 former bodyguards of alleged flood scam mastermind Elizaldy “Zaldy” Co about suitcased bribe deliveries to homes of top leaders, including Marcos.
Also key is United States backing, for allowing US and other allies to use our territory for possible war with China over Taiwan. America holds a huge sway over the political, media and security sectors.
Thus, unlike American media and military experts, Filipino journalists and generals say nil about grave dangers facing bases used by the US, now undeniably demonstrated by Iran’s attacks on Arab states hosting American forces.
Media also backs Uncle Sam’s agenda to keep Marcos in power until another pro-American leader succeeds him instead of Vice President Sara Duterte. Former vice president Leni Robredo, who lost to Marcos in 2022 despite US favor, is touted as a possible administration candidate. Another is Sen. Erwin Tulfo, who had American citizenship, but renounced it.
The anti-Dutertes aim is to convict VP Sara in her Senate impeachment trial, perpetually barring her from public office. If she is ousted, it would open the race for the presidency, with the favorite gone. That could actually fuel instability. Once chosen by Marcos from the Senate, a new vice president acceptable to the powers that be would then be ready to replace him.
With Trillion Peso Marches over, the public has apparently lost the drive for accountability. (Also, a major protest organizer gets funds from the US, which wants to ease anti-Marcos agitation). There was no outrage when his commission to investigate graft shut down in January. Nor are there rallies over alleged cash deliveries to administration stalwarts — now set aside by the Senate under the pro-Marcos majority.
What’s ahead? Interestingly, there are parallels between the Aquino III and Marcos Jr. regimes. Both made our foreign policy pro-American, allowing increased rotations of US forces in our country with access to our military bases. Both enjoy strong political and media support, which have sought to keep mega-scandals off the headlines.
Hence, most Filipinos don’t know that the Aquino III administration had our worst smuggling ever — 2,600 cargo containers lost without inspection and duties — and the largest malversation in our history: the P157-billion Disbursement Acceleration Program. His chosen Ombudsman could have easily probed and prosecuted both scams, but didn’t.
Both Aquino and Marcos camps moved against a popular vice president with top voter ratings. And they eventually faced election challenges from a hugely popular Duterte. Will history repeat? Abangan!
