The Pakatan Harapan manifesto before the 15th general election in 2022 made a powerful declaration: “Indeed, city councils like DBKL (Kuala Lumpur City Hall) are now seemingly run like private, for-profit companies that prioritise developers’ interests without considering residents’ welfare and interests.”
It promised to “empower democracy and transparency in DBKL systematically” to ensure representation for the people, not developers.
“This effort will ensure that all Malaysians can elect reliable, inclusive representation that represents the interests of the people, not the developers.”
This pledge now serves as a stark reminder of the shortcomings and ongoing challenges that have escalated in the administration of DBKL.
In May, I wrote a series of articles exposing how government-owned land in Kuala Lumpur had been transferred to private owners, often at prices significantly below market value.
These deals included the KL Velodrome and two plots of land at Jalan Cheras - one plot for a 41-storey condominium near a school, and another large parcel that had housed the DBKL health clinic.
Subsequently, Segambut MP Hannah Yeoh’s political secretary, Yap Yee Vonne, and I appeared before the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) as witnesses on these DBKL land deals.
My key recommendation was the implementation of a mandatory open tender system for all government land transactions - including sales, leases, and joint ventures. While exceptions for national interests could exist, they would require full public justification and independent oversight.
I also proposed a public, digitised registry of all state-owned properties to ensure transparency.
Reforms and return of old habits
This was not a new idea. In 2018, then-federal territories minister Khalid Samad introduced an open tender policy for DBKL, a move that resulted in RM481 million being recovered for the city following a review of dubious past transactions.
This was to prevent any transaction of land sale and purchase at dubious prices, when compared with the market price.
“There is no special offer, or low price, or a price that is higher than the valuation. What took place in the past will not recur because the ministry has put in place strict procedures in connection with all land transactions,” he said.
A year later, lawyer Derek Fernandez, whose expertise is in local government matters, dropped yet another bombshell - the gazetted Kuala Lumpur City Plan 2020 included 273 approvals that were not in the original plan.
The related approvals included matters on increased plot ratio and density levels beyond Kuala Lumpur’s carrying capacity.
After the change of government in 2020, Khalid’s orders were put in cold storage, and the old practices returned. Alarmingly, this trend has continued under the current Madani administration.
The PAC report tabled in Parliament yesterday echoes these concerns. Its recommendations - including the establishment of a permanent committee with KL MPs to monitor development, demands for DBKL to justify deviations from city plans, and warnings about unchecked development and the loss of green spaces - are welcome but familiar.
Will Harapan honour DBKL pledge?
Historically, DBKL has acted as judge, jury, and executioner, often refusing to respond to public complaints. Bylaws and regulations had been amended without prior consultation. It can also, with the approval of the minister, sell, rent, or lease assets.
The 12 appointed “advisers” to DBKL are precisely that - advisers with no real power, and are largely political appointees rewarded for party service.
Putrajaya has for decades resisted calls by MPs from Kuala Lumpur to be given a say in how DBKL is run. But will Putrajaya pay heed to the PAC’s recommendations, or will they be consigned to the store of one of the government departments?
There is no need to repeat the emphasis for an open tender system, which will enable us, as citizens, to scrutinise private arrangements for the sale of state land at its full value and determine if such transactions have been made in the best interest of the government and the people.
So, the excerpt from the Harapan manifesto is a timely reminder to those now in power, who rightly declared that “DBKL is now seemingly run like private, for-profit companies that prioritise developers’ interests.”
The solution remains clear: a transparent, open tender system. This would allow citizens to scrutinise deals and ensure state land is sold at full value for the benefit of the people, not private interests.
The Harapan manifesto correctly diagnosed the problem three years ago, that DBKL prioritises developers. The government now faces a choice: will it finally fulfil its promise to reform DBKL, or will it continue to pander to the “maha kaya” (super-rich) whose tentacles seem to influence the authority?
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