PETALING JAYA: Political analysts have said while a power-sharing arrangement in Negeri Sembilan bringing together Barisan Nasional (BN), Perikatan Nasional (PN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH) would not run afoul of the constitution, it risks leaving the state without a genuine opposition – opening the door to internal sabotage, gridlocked policymaking and growing public distrust.
Sunway University UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network Asia headquarters deputy head of strategy Prof Dr Wong Chin Huat said there was nothing unusual about a federal ruling party forming a different coalition at state level while another federal partner became the opposition.
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“There are plenty of examples in other countries, such as Germany. Whether the Madani government can last depends on whether Umno wants to push (Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) to go to polls. For example, by pushing for an immediate state election in Malacca,” he told theSun.
“However, an all-party unity government would be a terrible thing because there would be no checks and balances.”
Wong said parties sharing power without a clear agreement on future contests and power distribution could begin undermining one another as the next election approached.
“Unless there is a clear understanding and agreement on future electoral contests and power-sharing, the partners would start sabotaging one another as elections draw closer.
“Given the strong enmity seen in this election, having all of them share power would evoke strong cynicism and revolt among voters.”
BN won 18 seats in Saturday’s state election, while PN secured seven and PH 11. BN and PN, which entered an electoral cooperation before polling day, jointly hold 25 of the 36 seats and are set to form the state government with a two-thirds majority.
Meanwhile, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia political analyst Prof Dr Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid said there was no constitutional barrier to PH representatives joining an administration supported by BN and PN.
“Constitutionally, such an administration is permissible, but politically delicate and unlikely. Any coalition with majority support in the state assembly can form a government, and there is no legal barrier preventing PH from joining a BN-PN government.
“Still, PN and PH are separated by sharp ideological differences, while supporters of both sides may not accept a three-bloc arrangement after a competitive election.”
She added that BN-PN cooperation at state level could coexist with the PH-BN Unity government federally, but BN would face the difficult task of defending two contrasting alliances.
She also said conflicting narratives, grassroots pressure and confrontational national rhetoric could eventually produce policy incoherence.
“Malaysia’s political landscape is now multi-polar, or less binary. Divergent state-federal alignments may become more common, as strategic cooperation is becoming more fluid among diverse political parties.
“However, they remain politically delicate because there is a risk of blurred accountability and policy deadlock.
“Stability can appear in the short term, allowing the state to focus on governance rather than partisan conflict, but if all major blocs are in government, who plays the role of strong opposition?”
Taking a similarly cautious view, Pacific Research Centre of Malaysia principal adviser Dr Oh Ei Sun said there was nothing constitutionally preventing all seat-winning parties from forming a coalition, but saw no reason for BN and PN to share power with PH.
“The closest thing to such a situation that has occurred was when PH gave so-called ‘confidence and support’ to the (then prime minister) Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob administration.
“However, the consideration for all parties and coalitions would be their respective political interests. Nevertheless, in the Negeri Sembilan case, it begs the question as to why BN and PN would like to share power with PH.”
He added that unusual alliances had become part of Malaysia’s fluid coalition politics, but their survival remained determined by political interest.
