It is now election season and politicians are immersing themselves in party matters to ensure their political fortunes, often at the expense of their mandated electoral responsibilities.
However, most of the main political parties are undergoing some form of intra- and inter-party convulsions and convolutions. Members jostle for leadership positions while some undermine their parties because of ideological or personal differences, or simply out of a desire for vendetta.
These are the intra-party convolutions that periodically occur when factional interests supersede the overall partisan agenda.
Such a scenario is being played out in PKR through the Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli and Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad episode. The duo relinquished their ministerial posts and parliamentary seats before leaving the party to take over the obscure Bersama party in pursuit of an agenda purportedly centred on fighting injustice and corruption, and serving the people – the same hot-air mantra espoused by virtually every political party.
Pakatan Harapan is not alone in experiencing political challenges, as intra-party turmoil and imbroglio are also evident in the opposition Perikatan Nasional camp, a coalition of three parties – Bersatu, Pas and Gerakan.
Intra-party convulsion is minimal in Pas, which has a stranglehold on its members’ mental and verbal expression to align with the leadership’s political ideology that capitalises on religion to suppress any form of dissent or inquiry into its modus operandi.
The leadership has used religion to elevate itself to a position that would incur God’s wrath if challenged. To challenge them would be to go against the tenets of Islam. They have manipulated the masses through religious fatwas to make their position inviolable.
As Paula White-Cain, Donald Trump’s spiritual adviser, said: “To go against the president is to go against God.”
This is the same ruse used by the Pas leadership to enforce blind obedience and subservience among its members.
But in Bersatu, it is a different scenario as the quest for power remains a priority. Its president Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin appears determined to remain in power and harbours hopes of becoming prime minister once again.
Former deputy president Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin had been manoeuvring to take over the leadership to vie for the same position, but Muhyiddin purged Hamzah and those challenging the status quo. This represents the Malay saying “Api dalam serkam”.
Hamzah has since launched his political party – Parti Wawasan Negara – with Pas president Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang saying he supported the initiative.
Again, as the Malay saying goes, “Sudah jatuh ditimpa tangga”, Pas has also decided to break up with Bersatu.
Right now, Bersatu and Pas are estranged because Pas has terminated all cooperation with the party. Yet they remain in the same house, Perikatan Nasional, but are now sleeping in different beds in different rooms. Such a situation is usually untenable and may end with one partner leaving the house altogether.
Perikatan Nasional is now fractured after Pas divorced its major partner, which helped the party in the 15th General Election.
As is the norm, Pas is exploring new alliances in its quest for Putrajaya, which it has done countless times in the past, mainly to serve its agenda for power rather than for the benefit of all.
Pas has no compunction in severing ties and reneging on agreements with any partner when relationships sour or are no longer to its liking. And this is totally un-Islamic.
Umno, on the other hand, is trying to present a stable façade as it attempts to regain its former glory as the undisputed champion of the Malays through the Rumah Bangsa (Melayu) concept, drawing former sacked and suspended members back into the party in the hope of strengthening it.
As a result, former leaders like Khairy Jamaluddin, Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, Tan Sri Noh Omar and Tan Sri Syed Hamid Albar have trooped to pay homage to Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the Umno president.
That Umno has internal kerfuffles can be seen in the actions of its Negeri Sembilan chief during the palace fiasco, in which 14 elected representatives withdrew support for Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Aminuddin Harun, blaming him for his handling of the episode.
Ahmad Zahid had to intervene to redress the situation while also providing a face-saving measure for Negeri Sembilan Umno, whose actions were prompted by unseen hands.
The solution, rather comically absurd and obtuse, was to maintain the status quo of the Negeri Sembilan state government coalition but without the support of the 14 assemblymen.
But Umno has shot itself in the foot by backing the 14 renegade assemblymen in trying to dethrone the Yang di-Pertuan Besar of Negeri Sembilan. This is derhaka and anathema to Umno’s stated constitutional tenets of protecting the monarchy. It shows its greed for power in attempting to wrest control of the state government through foul means.
Then Johor Menteri Besar Datuk Onn Hafiz Ghazi decided on the dissolution of the state assembly after consulting the Regent of Johor. Perhaps Ahmad Zahid was informed but not consulted. There seems to be no love lost between the two Umno leaders. Onn Hafiz once asked Ahmad Zahid to step down as Umno president during the party’s turmoil several years ago.
Onn Hafiz’s lack of tact and political maturity became obvious when he vehemently chastised DAP, which Umno has long used as a bogeyman to instil fear among Malays and shackle them to the party.
His total rejection of and apathy towards DAP, which has a credible presence in Johor, shows his ignorance of real politics. He said: “I would rather step down than be on the same table as DAP.”
Such derision towards a bona fide political party smacks not only of arrogance and racism but also political immaturity and childishness.
He has inadvertently done a service to Pakatan Harapan through his remarks and condescension towards DAP, exposing Barisan Nasional’s intolerance and parochial Malay-centric sentiments to the exclusion of other communities.
It is common knowledge that Onn Hafiz’s elevation to the position of Menteri Besar was at the behest of the powers that be and not so much because of his political acumen. His outburst and derision towards DAP betray his weaknesses and arrogance.
Publicly, DAP’s intra-party convolutions are minimal and are usually resolved internally.
Except for former Penang chief minister Lim Guan Eng’s undersea tunnel corruption case, which has garnered public scrutiny, there have been no serious breaches of electoral, ethical or moral responsibilities.
Like Pas, DAP members fully support the party, but unlike Pas they are not indoctrinated or shackled by the leadership’s dictates. Instead, they share a common vision skewed towards the needs and priorities of the Chinese community despite presenting a façade of multi-ethnic imperatives.
Nevertheless, DAP has shown its capability in governance through its hardworking ministers and members of parliament, with Penang serving as its showcase state.
The party spent much of the Umno-Barisan Nasional era in opposition, championing issues of maladministration, corruption and Chinese education.
It worked with Pas and PKR in the Pakatan Rakyat opposition coalition, as well as in Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s government, with Lim given the prestigious finance minister portfolio, which was instrumental in exposing Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1MDB corruption scandal.
Now, with more than 40 MPs, DAP, together with PKR and parties from Sabah and Sarawak, forms the Madani unity government.
For much of its existence, DAP has been used as a bogeyman by Pas and Umno. Umno accused DAP of being a threat to Malay interests to instil fear among its members and the false belief that their rights and entitlements would be revoked if DAP came to power.
That Umno is the sole champion of the Malays is not true, considering the squandering of the nation’s resources and Malay equity by Umno leaders and elites over the years.
The 1MDB scandal, Yayasan Akalbudi, the Sabah Water scandal, Scorpene submarine affair, Perwaja Steel, Tabung Haji, Bumiputra Malaysia Finance scandal, Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor’s solar power corruption case, Tan Sri Isa Samad’s case linked to the purchase of a hotel in Sarawak, and Muhyiddin’s Jana Wibawa corruption cases, among many others, were not caused by DAP but involved Malays linked or formerly linked to Umno.
The other peninsula political parties are inconsequential. MCA, MIC and Gerakan (now with Perikatan) have seen their days as viable Barisan Nasional component parties with Umno leading the coalition. They lack electoral support and parliamentary presence.
MIC had earlier deliberated whether to leave Barisan Nasional and join Perikatan, but in the end it was all smoke without fire.
Small political parties like Pejuang, Berjasa, Iman, Putra and Urimai have yet to prove their worth and viability. Each on its own is inconsequential and cannot make an impact on the political scene.
Their survival and influence depend on joining established coalition groupings.
This is the current political scenario as the various parties vie for electoral support in the impending state elections and the coming 16th General Election.
The intra- and inter-party schisms and convolutions will affect the fortunes of the respective parties, which are now consumed with winning elections, even at the expense of moral and ethical principles.
The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the writer and do not represent that of Twentytwo13.
