KUALA LUMPUR: Tan Sri Abdul Hadi Awang’s public broadside against Bersatu may have begun with grievances over seat negotiations and coalition management, but the political shockwaves are now threatening to deepen Perikatan Nasional’s (PN) internal fault lines just as the opposition pact prepares for the 16th General Election (GE16).
The Pas president’s warning that the party may review its relationship with Bersatu – coupled with accusations that its coalition partner had “played out” Pas twice – has reignited tensions within PN and triggered fresh uncertainty over the stability of the coalition’s state administrations, particularly in Perlis.
The fallout was immediate.
Perlis Menteri Besar Abu Bakar Hamzah vowed to seek the dissolution of the state assembly if Pas representatives move a vote of no confidence against him during the sitting scheduled from June 3 to 5, raising the prospect of renewed political turmoil in the northern state.
Although Abu Bakar insisted the Perlis PN administration remained intact, the escalating war of words between leaders from both parties has reinforced perceptions that the coalition’s political truce remains fragile.
Yet beyond the immediate tensions between Pas and Bersatu, the episode has intensified scrutiny on PN chairman Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar, who now faces mounting pressure to assert control over the coalition as internal disputes increasingly spill into the public domain.
The central question confronting PN is no longer merely whether Perlis can avoid another political crisis, but whether Ahmad Samsuri possesses the authority and political capital to keep the coalition united ahead of GE16.
Bersatu’s unusually sharp rebuttal to Hadi’s remarks further underscored the growing strain within PN, with the party insisting coalition matters should be resolved collectively through the PN Supreme Council rather than through unilateral public statements by individual party leaders.
The party also warned against creating the perception that any component party president possessed veto powers within PN – remarks widely interpreted as a direct response to Hadi’s comments.
Budget 2027 looms as Abu Bakar’s biggest hurdle
The latest tensions have revived attention on Perlis’ simmering political crisis, which appeared to have temporarily subsided after the postponement of the State Legislative Assembly sitting from April to June.
The postponement had triggered speculation that Abu Bakar was seeking to avoid a possible vote of no confidence amid continuing tensions between Pas and Bersatu within the state administration.
The sitting, now scheduled from June 3 to 5, comes just days before the constitutional deadline of June 8, beyond which the state assembly risked automatic dissolution for failing to convene within six months.
While the rescheduling may have temporarily neutralised speculation of a political collapse, observers believe the larger challenge remains unresolved.
The most crucial test may arrive later this year when the Perlis government tables its 2027 state budget. Failure to secure sufficient support to pass the supply bills could effectively force the dissolution of the state assembly and trigger fresh elections.
The political fragility in Perlis emerged after Bersatu’s Abu Bakar took over as Menteri Besar in December last year amid internal PN realignments, despite Pas holding a stronger presence in the state assembly.
Since then, the balance of power between the two coalition partners has remained delicate.
Earlier this year, three Pas assemblymen filed a judicial review against the state assembly speaker after their seats were declared vacant following their expulsion from the party, adding another layer of instability to the state’s political landscape.
Political analyst Muhammad Izmer Yusof of Universiti Malaysia Perlis said Abu Bakar was likely to survive until the end of the current term but cautioned that the underlying tensions between Pas and Bersatu had not been fully resolved.
“In my view, Abu Bakar Hamzah will remain Menteri Besar of Perlis until the end of the current term. However, this does not mean the issues between Bersatu and Pas in Perlis have been fully resolved,” he told Twentytwo13.
Izmer argued that the more important question for PN was whether Bersatu could continue to retain influence in Perlis ahead of GE16, especially as Pas increasingly consolidates its dominance in the Malay belt states.
Perlis becomes Ahmad Samsuri’s first leadership test
He said the issue ultimately places renewed attention on the leadership of Pas vice-president Ahmad Samsuri, who recently assumed the dual roles of PN chairman and Opposition leader in the Dewan Rakyat following the removal of Datuk Seri Hamzah Zainudin from Bersatu.
For Ahmad Samsuri, Perlis is more than a state-level dispute. It has become an early litmus test of whether he can effectively balance competing interests within PN while preserving coalition unity ahead of a highly competitive general election.
The latest public dispute between Pas and Bersatu has sharpened questions over Ahmad Samsuri’s authority within the coalition, particularly when major disagreements are increasingly aired publicly before being resolved through PN’s internal mechanisms.
Beyond Perlis, Ahmad Samsuri is also confronting a larger national challenge – managing the fallout from Hamzah’s expulsion from Bersatu and the emergence of the so-called “Reset” faction aligned with the former Bersatu deputy president.
The Hamzah faction dilemma
Despite no longer holding party positions, Hamzah is believed to retain the loyalty of a sizeable bloc of MPs and grassroots leaders formerly aligned with Bersatu.
His political future remains the subject of intense speculation after he hinted at joining or restructuring an existing political party rather than forming a new one.
The uncertainty has fuelled concerns within PN over future seat allocations and the possibility of overlapping claims between Bersatu incumbents and candidates aligned with Hamzah’s camp.
Izmer said the issue could not be ignored indefinitely because Hamzah still commanded significant influence within the opposition bloc.
“The Hamzah issue cannot simply be brushed aside because, although he currently has no party, he still commands the support of a significant number of MPs who are aligned with him,” he said.
“As such, there will be competition over seats – whether incumbents will be retained to defend their constituencies, whether seats will be handed back to Bersatu, or whether they will be allocated to Hamzah’s potential new party.”
The tensions surfaced again recently when PN leaders reportedly resisted the entry of new component parties into the coalition amid concerns that such platforms could become vehicles for Hamzah’s supporters to re-enter formal coalition politics.
At the same time, Bersatu has undergone a sweeping internal purge, with several MPs, assemblymen and party leaders either sacked or suspended over disciplinary breaches.
The move has further deepened perceptions of factional instability within the party.
Questions over who truly controls PN
Pacific Research Centre principal adviser Dr Oh Ei Sun described the situation in Perlis as symptomatic of a broader struggle for influence between Pas and Bersatu within PN.
“I happen to think that the biggest internal issue in PN is the yearning by Pas to take actual and full control of PN away from Bersatu, and the insistence of what is left of Bersatu to retain such control,” he told Twentytwo13.
According to Oh, Ahmad Samsuri’s appointment as PN chairman places him in a uniquely difficult position because, despite leading the coalition, he ultimately remains bound by Pas’ broader strategic interests.
“The cost of ostracising Bersatu could be compensated by Pas taking over the Bersatu seats in the next general election,” he said.
Still, Ahmad Samsuri’s leadership style may also present opportunities for PN.
Unlike Hamzah, who was widely regarded as combative and aggressive in Parliament, Ahmad Samsuri is seen as more measured and technocratic in his approach – a style some analysts believe could help broaden PN’s appeal beyond its traditional Malay-Muslim base.
Oh said Ahmad Samsuri’s milder approach could make PN appear more acceptable to non-Malay voters at a time when the coalition is seeking to strengthen its national positioning.
PN’s internal tensions also come at a particularly sensitive moment for the opposition coalition, which is attempting to project stability and cohesion ahead of several expected state elections and the broader contest for federal power in GE16.
Rafizi and the battle for young voters
PN now faces an increasingly crowded opposition landscape ahead of GE16 following the emergence of Parti Bersama Malaysia led by former PKR deputy president Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli.
Rafizi has declared that Bersama will contest independently without aligning with any major coalition, while focusing heavily on younger voters and generational political change.
Analysts believe the new party could complicate electoral calculations across multiple constituencies, particularly among urban and semi-urban voters dissatisfied with both the government and existing opposition blocs.
Izmer warned that PN could no longer rely solely on the momentum generated during GE15, when the coalition benefited significantly from Undi18 voters and anti-establishment sentiment.
“What we have yet to fully see is the impact of first-time voters under Undi18 – their numbers are highly significant. This is the voter group Rafizi is targeting,” he said.
“If Ahmad Samsuri still fails to act now, PN risks losing the support of younger voters because PN benefited substantially from Undi18 during GE15.”
For now, the immediate focus remains on whether Abu Bakar can survive the upcoming Perlis assembly sitting and later secure support for the state budget.
But the larger political reality confronting PN is increasingly clear: whether Ahmad Samsuri can contain the growing friction between Pas and Bersatu may ultimately determine not only the stability of PN’s state governments, but also whether the coalition can enter GE16 as a credible and united alternative to the ruling bloc.
