Akmal appears to not be giving Zahid face. The question is: why?
As far as I can recall, Dr Akmal Saleh and Ahmad Zahid Hamidi have never enjoyed the warmest of relationships. If anything, the last year alone suggests a pattern of quiet defiance turning into open challenge—one that consistently leaves Zahid boxed into a corner, politically and symbolically.
Early last year provided one claear illustrations. When Zahid instructed UMNO leaders to pull back from publicly demonstrating support for Najib Razak during the addendum appeal proceedings in Putrajaya—ostensibly in deference to the Yang di-Pertuan Agong’s request—Akmal stood out as the lone UMNO figure who showed up at court. At a time when obedience to party discipline and royal sensitivities was being carefully choreographed, Akmal chose visibility over restraint.
Fast forward to this year, and the pattern has only intensified. On January 3, Akmal organised a UMNO Youth Special Convention to discuss the possibility of UMNO withdrawing from the unity (MADANI) government. Crucially, this was likely done without Zahid’s prior approval. When Zahid eventually gave his consent, it came with two clear conditions: the convention was not to discuss pulling out of the unity government, and there was to be no criticism of Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim.
Akmal disregarded both.
At the convention at Dewan Tun Dr Ismail, WTCKL, Akmal openly called on UMNO to leave the MADANI government and to reunite with PAS, arguing that the time had come for the two largest Malay-based parties to set aside their differences for the sake of religion, race, and the nation. He framed the proposal not as political nostalgia, but as an urgent necessity for Malay survival.
“When forming the government, we set red lines: do not touch our religion, our monarchy, and our race,” he said. According to Akmal, those red lines had been repeatedly crossed—through controversies involving the 3Rs, from the “Allah” socks issue to the upside-down Jalur Gemilang, to alcohol being served at government events. In his telling, the Malays who “defended” Islam and national symbols were punished, while provocations were normalised.
Zahid’s response was swift and unequivocal. UMNO, he said, would remain with the unity government until the next general election and would not revive cooperation with PAS, dismissing such ideas as “past proposals that never materialised,” a clear reference to the failed Muafakat Nasional experiment.
Akmal’s reaction to Zahid’s shutdown was revealing. Instead of retreating, he escalated—publicly expressing disappointment and hinting that he might step down as UMNO Youth chief. In a Facebook post, he said he had tried his very best to convey the youth wing’s message and suggested that “perhaps the shortcomings lie within myself.”
Zahid, for his part, attempted de-escalation. He extended an olive branch, saying that the thought of Akmal stepping down had never crossed his mind, and emphasised that differences of opinion and criticism were normal—even healthy—within a party. UMNO secretary-general Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki echoed this sentiment, reminding critics that those who criticise must also be prepared to be criticised, and urging magnanimity and open-mindedness.
Akmal was unmoved. His reply drew a sharp line between criticism and principle. He had no issue, he said, with being criticised—he had endured it for years. But when it came to principles, he would not budge “not even an inch.”
This exchange captures the crux of the problem. Akmal is not merely disagreeing with Zahid; he is framing the disagreement as a moral and existential one. In doing so, he places Zahid in an impossible position. If Zahid stands firm, the standoff risks becoming an open confrontation between party president and youth chief. If Zahid backs down, he loses face—capitulating to a junior who has repeatedly crossed lines drawn by the party leadership.
And this is hardly the first time Akmal has crossed those lines.
From Najib court appearance and the defiant convention, Akmal has continued to act independently on matters Zahid has explicitly sought to manage. The way tha Akmal is maneuvering over his moves is also giving Zahid little room to save his face or manufacture the impression that all is fine under his leadership of UMNO.
So why is Akmal doing all this?
It is difficult to believe that these moves are inadvertent. Akmal has demonstrated time and again that he is an astute political operator who understands symbolism, hierarchy, and consequence. It strains credulity to suggest that he is unaware of how his actions are interpreted within UMNO’s deeply face-conscious culture.
Akmal himself insists that his motivations are principled—that he is defending the 3Rs of race, religion, and royalty. Yet even this explanation raises questions. The royalty, after all, do not appear openly unhappy with the current administration. As for race and religion, When Akmal’s seniors in UMNO themselves are not acting as though they believe there is an existential threat to their race and religion, that Akmal is behaving as if the house is already on fire, is also, for the lack of another word, very very odd.
Now it is possible that this might just be all the result of passion and emotion. At 36, Akmal is a relatively young man and it passion and emotion is indeed a governing a factor when one can be still be said to be young.
But there is also another, more strategic possibility: that Zahid’s leadership may be challenged in the upcoming UMNO elections, and Akmal is positioning himself—or at least positioning the youth wing—for that moment. By repeatedly forcing Zahid into no-win situations, Akmal weakens Zahid’s standing while burnishing his own image as a leader of principle, willing to risk position for cause.
If that is the case, then the public hints at resignation, the defiance of red lines, and the repeated stepping out of line all begin to look less like impulsive rebellion and more like deliberate stage-setting.
In any case, the relationship between Akmal and Zahid is now one of the most intriguing dynamics in Malaysian politics. If it is indeed meaningful—and all signs suggest that it is—then its full significance will likely become clear as UMNO edges closer to its internal elections.
Let us see how the cookies shall crumble.
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