Perikatan Nasional is assured of success in state polls by relying on community based organisations developed by PAS!

Opinion
11 Jun 2023 • 5:00 PM MYT
Mihar Dias
Mihar Dias

A behaviourist by training, a consultant and executive coach by profession

image is not available
Perikatan Nasional during GE15. Credit: Benar News

By Mihar Dias (C) Copyright June 2023

To beat PAS in many districts long held by the party, the contenders; Umno, PKR and Amanah may need community-based organisations that are equally powerful to challenge those built by this PN's major coalition partner.

But the above three parties do not have enough time to do so in the coming months before the dissolution of state assemblies.

So, they might as well say goodbye to the dream of capturing seats in PAS-PN held territories in forthcoming state elections.

In the last 50 years or so, PAS has been building what Murray Hunter describes as "local grassroots organization within the kampongs, which fringe into the towns." 

On the other hand, Hunter says, "UMNO, PKR, and Amanah have campaign offices, which are only set up for the duration of election campaigns, and then disappear the day after an election. PAS offices are there all year round."  

This is the major difference between approaches adopted by PAS compared with the three others.

In fact, this is the key to the stranglehold that PAS seems to have on Malay Muslim communities. It is so formidable, making it almost impossible for Umno, PKR, or even its clone Amanah to penetrate.

PAS representatives immerse themselves in communities as suggested in the Thoughts of Mao Zedong, where "The guerrilla must move amongst the people as a fish swims in the sea." 

Hunter argues that in addition to its strong rural support and control of the state governments of Kelantan and Terengganu, PAS in coalition with Bersatu in Kedah took control of Perlis through the defection of an Umno warlord Shahidan Kassim, during the recent GE15.

At the same time, Hunter contends that PAS has developed kampung communities in the rural areas, which have expanded into semi-urban regions through Perlis, Penang, Perak, Selangor, Melaka, and Johor." 

The big win by Bersatu under PN banner at Padang Serai on the border of Penang in post GE15 is an excellent case in point.

The unexpected win sent shivers down the spine of DAP leaders in the island state that feared the Green Wave would be overwhelming them in the next local elections.

So, how did PAS build communities that other parties seem to neglect?

Hunter argues that PAS unlike other political groupings, successfully utilises groups of  religious teachers, professionals, civil servants and party activists, to form urban beachheads, assisted by rural youths that moved into the cities looking for jobs.

They have helped establish religious study groups, Quranic and Arabic tuition centers, madrasah and business enterprises by "projecting themselves through social media, inviting urban Malay Muslims to study Islam and Arabic in greater depth." 

We are made to understand that the party uses Tiktok extensively to spread its news and views to the masses.

At the same time, Hunter says many Malay professionals, civil servants, academics, and the youth are sympathetic to the party's philosophical and theological approaches adopted which seem to fit in with how Islam should be practiced in society.

This is no different from what Mao Zedong did when developing his brand of communism in China, spreading it through strong based community organisations.

PAS like Mao's party lives in the Malay heartlands. All other parties have no strong roots like PAS does that daily spreads  like tentacles among the Malay Muslims who would readily serve the party hoping for rewards in the next life.

Hunter rightly concludes his recent article by saying, "PAS is a community-based party. It has been building communities for more than 50 years. "Consequently, PAS is here to stay and be a major influence upon Malaysian politics for years to come." 

Given the above scenario, Hunter and others have painted a picture of Malaysia as one being dominated by religious leaders akin to the Afghanistan model.

Anyway, you may speculate all you want what the future holds for Malaysia with PAS playing a major role in Malaysian politics.

However, be rest assured that the coming state elections favour PAS with help from its partner, Bersatu contesting under the Perikatan Nasional banner.


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