The opinion gap

PoliticsOpinion
13 Sep 2026 • 12:01 AM MYT
The Manila Times
The Manila Times

One of the longest-running English broadsheets in the Philippines

The opinion gap

IF social media were a survey, Robin Padilla would be among the country’s least popular senators. Alan Peter Cayetano would not be far behind. Both are regular targets of online ridicule and harsh commentary. Radio, television and newspaper commentary is often no kinder.

The numbers, however, tell a different story.

Momentum Research’s August 2026 Performance Approval dashboard asked respondents which incumbent senators were “mahusay sa pagtupad ng kanilang mga tungkulin bilang mambabatas” (outstanding in fulfilling their duties as lawmakers). They could name up to three. Padilla finished first nationwide at 31.2 percent. Raffy Tulfo followed at 27.9 percent, with Cayetano close behind at 27.4 percent. Bong Go was fourth at 19.2 percent.

Momentum also asked which senators were not performing their legislative duties well. Padilla was named by 15.6 percent of respondents and Cayetano by 12.2 percent. Those are not small negatives, but neither man comes close to being rejected by everyone. Padilla was selected twice as often for good performance as for poor performance. These are separate multiple-response questions, so the difference is descriptive rather than a net approval rating. The direction is hard to miss.

The regional figures make the gap even harder to dismiss. Padilla was selected for good performance by 27.2 percent in the National Capital Region (NCR), 25.1 percent in Balance Luzon, 29.2 percent in the Visayas, and 47.3 percent in Mindanao. Cayetano posted 26.3 percent in the NCR, 22 percent in Balance Luzon, 23.5 percent in the Visayas and 42 percent in Mindanao.

That Mindanao result matters. Padilla and Cayetano are usually identified with, or at least seen as sympathetic to, the camp of former president Rodrigo Duterte. So are Go, Ronald “Bato” de la Rosa, Rodante Marcoleta and Imee Marcos. Their political histories are not identical, and it would be careless to place every name in one neat box. But to many voters, they occupy roughly the same side of the present political divide.

The same Momentum survey found Vice President Sara Duterte with a combined positive performance rating of 61.3 percent, up from 58 percent in July. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. was at 38.5 percent positive and 57.4 percent negative. Asked which political group they identified with, 28.9 percent chose the Dutertes and their allies. Only 11.6 percent chose the Marcos camp, while 9.6 percent identified with the opposition.

This does not prove that criticism is making the Duterte bloc stronger. A survey records where opinion stands; it cannot tell us, by itself, exactly why it got there. Yet it does raise an uncomfortable question for the people who shape the daily political conversation: if the attacks are so constant and one-sided, why are they not showing up more clearly in public opinion?

Part of the answer may be that media attention is not the same as public sentiment. Social media measures activity. It counts posts, reactions and shares, but it does not give every Filipino an equal voice. A relatively small but highly engaged group can dominate a platform for days. The same problem can arise in traditional media when commentators talk mostly to people who already agree with them.

The pattern is not confined to Momentum. In Pulse Asia’s July 2026 senatorial preference survey, Padilla again led the field at 48.4 percent. Raffy Tulfo registered 43.9 percent and Cayetano, 43.2 percent. Pulse Asia measured voting preference, not legislative performance, so the percentages are not directly comparable. Still, the strikingly similar national ranking is difficult to ignore.

There is also a difference between disliking a politician’s style and judging whether he delivers. Padilla can be mocked for how he speaks in hearings and still be seen by voters as direct, accessible or willing to take unpopular positions. Cayetano can draw criticism for political maneuvering and still be remembered for programs, hearings and years of national visibility. Voters do not always use the standards preferred by editorial pages or online commentators.

Then there is the possibility of backlash. When criticism becomes relentless, supporters may stop hearing the substance and begin hearing only an attack on their side. Every insult aimed at a politician is received as an insult aimed at the voters who chose him. That can harden loyalties, instead of weakening them. It may help explain why the Duterte camp remains intact despite a media environment that often appears hostile to it.

None of this excuses poor performance or places popular politicians beyond scrutiny. Survey strength is not proof of competence, much less innocence. Journalists and commentators should continue asking hard questions. But persuasion requires some understanding of the audience. If people feel that coverage has already decided who the villains are, they may simply tune it out.

The lesson from the Momentum numbers is not that social media and opinion makers are always wrong. It is that they are not the electorate. They are loud, visible and influential, but they remain only part of the country. Padilla and Cayetano can be heavily criticized in the spaces where opinion is produced and still score well among the people being talked about.

The loudest voices do not necessarily belong to the largest group. Anyone trying to understand Philippine politics would do well to remember that before mistaking the chorus for the crowd.

Sources: Momentum Research, August 2026 Performance Approval dashboard; Pulse Asia Research, July 2026 Ulat ng Bayan survey on the May 2028 elections.

Bong Habana Ruado is a former public-sector official whose career has spanned government, politics, public policy and the private sector. His current interests include public opinion research, governance data and explanatory journalism, with a particular focus on interpreting political surveys beyond their headline numbers. He holds degrees in political science and law (Juris Doctor) and completed the Strategic Business Economics Program at the University of Asia and the Pacific.

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