The rule of law and the pursuit of justice risk becoming objects of ridicule when they are subordinated to partisan political agendas.
This is evident in Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) cases. According to his cohorts and supporters, Najib did not receive a fair trial, despite his case having passed through multiple layers of due process, including the High Court, Court of Appeal and Federal Court, all of which found him guilty in the SRC International case involving RM42 million.
Yet Umno remains in denial, insisting that these respected judges erred, having internalised the belief that their leaders can do no wrong – and that even when they do, they should be forgiven. The party claims it is fighting for justice for Najib while, in reality, condoning the injustices he perpetrated.
Najib has been elevated as a “role model” for Umno members through the unflinching support of the “Bossku” narrative. The slogan “Malu Apa Bossku”, loosely translated as “My boss has nothing to be ashamed of”, normalises the squandering of public funds for personal and political agendas.
Beyond being a national embarrassment, Najib embezzled public funds for personal gain. According to the 2024 Auditor General’s Report, RM39.74 billion in federal government grants was channelled over a five-year period to service 1MDB loans and related obligations. Yet he has shown neither regret nor remorse, and his misconduct continues to be celebrated by some as emblematic of Umno.
During the early phase of the 1MDB revelations, both Attorney-General Tan Sri Abdul Gani Patail and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) chief commissioner Tan Sri Abu Kassim Mohamed vacated their positions. Some viewed this as institutional manipulation to shield Najib, a charge he has consistently denied.
The succeeding Attorney-General, Tan Sri Mohamed Apandi Ali, later cleared Najib of wrongdoing. In 2015, MACC officers stated that the RM2.6 billion deposited into Najib’s personal bank account was a donation from the Middle East. This assertion was supported by then deputy prime minister Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, who claimed to have met the Arab donor. The Mnister in the Prime Minister's Department, Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said was previously reported as saying that MACC had confirmed the RM2.6 billion in Najib's account was a private contribution from the Saudi royal family.
After Umno lost power in 2018, the party struggled to reassert its authority. Many of its current leaders have since suffered a collapse in credibility and, more critically, public trust.
Besides Najib, several other Umno leaders faced corruption and abuse of power charges, with some receiving discharges not amounting to acquittals.
Today, the rule of law is beginning to reassert itself, leaving Umno and its leaders increasingly unable to control the political narrative, as reflected in recent 1MDB court decisions.
The Kuala Lumpur High Court’s dismissal of Najib’s application to serve the remainder of his sentence under house arrest triggered an uproar among his supporters. Umno Youth leader Dr Akmal Saleh dismissed the ruling as invalid and urged Umno to withdraw from the unity government, implying that the Madani administration should have intervened to allow Najib to be placed under house arrest.
Similarly, Umno Supreme Council member Datuk Mohd Puad Zarkashi questioned the ruling, while Datuk Lokman Noor Adam called for Najib to apply for yet another royal pardon.
Such statements create the impression that royal clemency is readily available on demand, without regard for stipulated constitutional and legal conditions. These calls amount to an abuse of the system and are unjust to other prisoners who must meet stringent requirements before becoming eligible to apply.
Negeri Sembilan Umno chief Jalaluddin Alias and Umno secretary-general Datuk Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki also expressed outrage over Puchong MP Yeo Bee Yin’s remark that the dismissal of Najib’s house arrest bid was “another reason to celebrate this year end”.
Puchong Umno escalated matters by terminating all political cooperation with Pakatan Harapan over Yeo’s comment.
Veteran politician Tengku Razaleigh Tengku Hamzah weighed in by stating that while court decisions must be respected, Umno should continue seeking Najib’s release through royal clemency – effectively advocating yet another pardon.
What is most telling is Umno’s reaction towards those who welcomed High Court judge Alice Loke’s dismissal of Najib’s bid. Senior party figures have urged the public to empathise with them and sympathise with Najib, as though the nation should mourn his fate, despite his case having exhausted the full judicial process.
The latest development is Najib’s conviction in the 1MDB RM2.3 billion corruption case, in which he was found guilty on all 25 charges and sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment. He was also fined RM11.4 billion, with an additional 10 years’ jail term in default of payment.
While Umno was vocal over the addendum issue, it has been noticeably muted over this latest conviction. Based on its past responses, however, the party is likely to maintain its claim that Najib was denied a fair trial.
This exposes Umno’s selective approach to the rule of law – rejecting legal decisions that are unfavourable to the party, while embracing those that serve its interests, as seen in cases involving its current president, Ahmad Zahid.
For decades, Umno dominated and shaped the nation’s political narrative as the undisputed ruling party, exercising near-total control over state machinery. Its elites prospered while ordinary Malaysians struggled, and justice was filtered through a partisan lens.
Today, the party lashes out as it no longer holds uncontested power. Threats to withdraw from the unity government mask an increasingly erratic posture and a deepening fear of political irrelevance, driven by the erosion of credibility and public trust.
The views expressed here are the personal opinion of the writer and do not necessarily represent that of Twentytwo13.
