I am not sure whether he realises it or not, but Akmal Saleh is at a tipping point.
I say this because his time as a hero may be drawing to a close. The next phase of Akmal Saleh’s public life—if it continues—will have to be lived not as a heroic personality, but as something far less romantic : a professional politician.
At some level, almost all politicians begin as heroes of some kind.
One of the clearest signs that a person is destined for politics is a heightened sensitivity to injustice or oppression—especially when that injustice affects a group they identify with. When confronted with injustice and oppression, some people will retreat, avoid involvement, or rationalise inaction. Politics is not for them.
Politics is reserved for those who feel compelled to confront it, even at personal cost.
Whether it is Anwar Ibrahim claiming to fight corruption for Malaysians, Mahathir Mohamad positioning himself as a bulwark against Western imperialism for the Bosnians and Palestinians, PAS politicians framing their struggle as a religious duty, or Akmal Saleh declaring that he is defending race, religion, and king—politicians either rise by fighting perceived injustice, or they inherit positions from those who once did.
Figures like Pak Lah, Anthony Loke or Najib Razak largely inherited political stature from an established political institution like UMNO or DAP. Others—Anwar, Mahathir, Lim Kit Siang, Lim Guan Eng and now Akmal—rose by casting themselves as heroes of their of their people. It is precisely this confrontation that allows them to forge an emotional identity with a group, which in turn encourages their community to elevate them to position of leadership.
But here lies the problem.
While many political careers begin in the heroic phase, no long political career can remain there. Those who fall early in the “struggle” are often mythologised as cultural heroes but those who survive, must eventually transition into professionals—or be expelled from the system in betrayal, bitterness and disappointment.
Why does this transition become inevitable?
Because no identity group produces only one hero.
When multiple heroes emerge within the same group, a hierarchy forms. Lesser heroes must learn to operate beneath greater ones. Knowing one’s rank, respecting it, and positioning oneself accordingly is not heroism—it is professionalism.
A professional politician understands when to speak, when to wait, when to advance, when to defer and when to retreat. Without this skill, a leader will either clash with superiors, alienate peers, or confuse subordinates—any of which can stall or end a political career.
The most common reason politicians get into trouble is failing to abandon the heroic mode after entering the leadership hierarchy.
A politician can play hero only when he is closer to the masses than to the leadership. As he ascends and gets closer to the top than he is to the bottom, unilateral action becomes dangerous - rather than be seen as a champion of the people that must be elevated and given a platform, one is more likely seen as a person who values their own glory more than the strength and unity of the group . To prevent the perception, initiative must give way to coordination; instinct must yield to structure.
If a lesser leader continues to fight injustice on his own terms—without approval from those above him and without regard for those below—he will inevitably be seen as a challenger rather than a contributor.
Superiors will interpret this behaviour as a threat. Subordinates will be confused about whose signals to follow. What results is not courage, but dissension.
This is the context in which Akmal Saleh must now be understood.
Over the past two years, Akmal rose rapidly by playing the role of a hero. By championing emotionally charged issues—socks, sandwiches, flags, symbols closely tied to Malay-Muslim identity—he established credibility with his base and made his bones as an UMNO leader who deserves his place within UMNO’s leadership hierarchy.
But his recent call for UMNO to leave the unity government and reunite with PAS—triggered by a Facebook post by a DAP MP and framed as a response to alleged violations of the 3R red lines—marks a critical moment.
The problem is not his belief.
The problem is that UMNO’s top leadership does not share it.
Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has categorically dismissed the claim that any red lines were crossed and has rejected the idea of leaving the unity government. In doing so, Zahid has implicitly declared that Akmal’s judgement is not the party’s judgement.
This places Akmal in a classic Catch-22.
If he genuinely believes that his community is being disrespect and that UMNO is complicit, then the principled course of action would be to resign and continue the struggle elsewhere—perhaps in PAS or Bersatu, where his framing may find greater resonance.
Indeed, even his critics have pointed this out: if principles matter so much, why remain?
Akmal himself seemed to acknowledge this dilemma when he hinted that “perhaps it is time for me to step aside.” But events since then suggest something more complex—and more interesting—is happening.
In statements reported by Bernama, Akmal said he would abide by whatever decision is made by UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Melaka chief minister Ab Rauf Yusoh regarding the positions he currently holds.
He reminded observers that both leaders had selected him to contest the Merlimau seat, appointed him as Melaka exco for rural development, agriculture, and food security, and therefore held legitimate authority over his political fate.
“Insya-Allah, let us wait,” he said, adding that he must comply with and follow the chief minister’s decision, and that he would seek the consent and views of both Zahid and Rauf before announcing anything.
Later, in a Facebook post, Akmal struck a deeply deferential tone towards Rauf, crediting him for introducing him to UMNO during his student days and for shaping his understanding of leadership.
This matters.
Because leaving one’s fate in the hands of superiors is not something a hero does. It is something a professional politician does.
Akmal does not actually need Zahid’s or Rauf’s permission to resign. That he is waiting suggests that, consciously or not, he may be beginning the transition he has so far resisted.
If I were in Zahid’s position, I would probably move quickly to stabilise the situation—but with conditions.
I would neither demand Akmal’s resignation nor say that I wish for him to stay. Instead, I would remain ambiguous, and say something to the tune of “I don't want him to leave, but I will respect his decision.” At the same time, I would also ask Akmal to make a gesture—say or do something—that publicly demonstrates alignment with party leadership, even if it weakens his image as a hero.
I will not do it to humiliate him, but merely to recalibrate him.
Such a move would preserve Akmal’s career while clearly signaling that the era of unilateral heroics is over. It would reduce his image as an independent crusader and reposition him as a disciplined actor within a hierarchy.
If Akmal accepts this, he begins the transition from hero to professional.
If he refuses, then logic leaves him only one honorable option: to leave UMNO and the unity government as a matter of principle. If he still insists on being a hero, then what other choice does he have ?
When presented with the choice between his honour and principles against his advancement and self interest, the hero must choose his honour and principles. That is what makes a hero a hero.
This is also big part of the reason why a hero is almost never found at the top of any political group.
Let us see how the cookies crumble.
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